Irfan Engineer and Neha Dabhade
HINDU-MUSLIM communal riots have taken place in India for many decades – some even before independence of India. Then India witnessed large scale communal riots during the partition which unfortunately marked a massive exodus of population across borders. After the independence, the social landscape of free India was plagued with communal riots. While some communal riots brought displacement of the residents where communal riots took place like in the case of Gujarat 2002 and Kandhamal 2010, some have been sub-radar and not caused considerable embitterment in the relations between the communities involved.
In recent times, some communal riots have resulted in calling for social and economic boycott of vulnerable communities. Such boycotts against communities and resulting breakdown of day to day communication and relations indicate a certain degree of polarisation in the society. In some cases, like Ahmedabad, there is a stark spatial segregation in the form of ghettos after the communal violence which makes social contact difficult and acts as an obstruction in sharing of common civil spaces. Ghettoization has also played a significant role in deteriorating Hindu-Muslim relations in India. Thus, it is clear that civil engagement and common civil spaces involving actors from different communities act as connectors in inter-community relations.
Ashutosh Varshney argues that, “The pre-existing local networks of civic engagement between the two communities stand out as the single most important proximate explanation for the difference between peace and violence. Where such networks of engagement exist, tensions and conflicts are regulated and managed; where they are missing, communal identities lead to endemic and ghastly violence. As already stated, these networks can in turn be broken down into two parts: associational forms of engagement and everyday forms of engagement”. What do these two types entail? (Varshney, 1997)” They entail trade unions, associations of businessmen, traders, teachers, doctors and lawyers, and at least some cadre-based political parties. Such civil unions and mediums of engagement help in coexistence and mitigation of communal tensions. After the communal riots that took place in Nuh which saw significant damage to property, lives and social fabric of the region, the authors after their visit to Nuh tried to gauge the impact of the communal riots on the Hindu-Muslim relationship in Nuh.
What was the situation in Nuh?
The communal riots that unfolded in Nuh and neighbouring areas took place in an ecosystem marked by hate speeches, provocation and intense communal discourse. The VHP had organized the Braj Mandal Jal Abhishek Yatra in Nuh on 31st July, 2023. The procession turned violent and at places, there were clashes between the participants of the procession and the members of the Muslim community. Nuh, historically known for the contribution of the Meo Muslims against the fight for Indian Independence and fight against Mughals, forms part of the Mewat region. Muslims form approximately 90 percent of the population in Nuh. The communal riots which started in Nuh and spread to other parts of Haryana including Sohna, Palwal and Gurugram, claimed six lives. The communal violence in Nuh has exposed existing fissures in its social fabric and expanded the same.
While it was heartening to hear some accounts where Muslim residents saved properties of Hindus and their lives during the violence, however, these acts didn’t translate into real trust or appreciation which could act as cement for inter-community ties. These acts have in a limited way diffused some tensions between Hindus and Muslims. For instance, an incident unfolded during the communal riots, as recounted by Sarpanch Naseem of Nagina. During the eruption of communal strife at Badakli Chowk in Nagina, Naseem, along with fellow Muslims, undertook a courageous endeavor to preserve an oil mill owned by Bunty, a Hindu proprietor of two such mills within Nagina. Naseem, in a display of remarkable altruism, managed to avert the incineration of one of the oil mills and, in a gesture of goodwill, promptly contacted the owner, Bunty. Naseem requested Bunty to provide a lock to secure the mill, and subsequently, Naseem, in concert with others, ensured the mill’s protection, handing over the keys to a neighboring party for safekeeping.
The cause of communal riots in Nagina can be traced to a police lathi-charge on Muslim youth who had initially gathered for a peaceful protest on the evening of July 31st, expressing their disapproval of the violence in Nuh. The use of force by the police provoked the previously nonviolent Muslim demonstrators, resulting in the destruction of certain properties owned by Hindus. Notably, while the police retreated from the riot-stricken areas, some Muslim residents of Nagina stepped in to safeguard the belongings of their Hindu counterparts. At a critical juncture, these same Muslim residents undertook the valorous task of rescuing a police officer who had become trapped in the midst of the turmoil. This display of solidarity and protection encompassed forming a human shield around the imperiled police personnel, thereby ensuring their safety. The Station House Officer (SHO) prioritized the safeguarding of the station as his primary responsibility and did little to protect the lives and properties of the residents.
In another similar positive account, Shaukat Sarpanch of Bhadas village in Nuh, reported that a mob, comprising both local villagers and individuals from outside Bhadas, with a substantial majority from Rajasthan, initiated an attack on the Gurukul (Hindu religious and cultural institution) on July 31, 2023. It was rumored that Monu Manesar would visit the Gurukul on the same day, prompting Hindus to prepare a welcoming reception. Learning of this, some Muslim residents grew agitated, ultimately leading to the attack on the Gurukul at around 4 pm on that fateful day. The Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) had forewarned Shaukat Sarpanch about the possibility of an attack on the Gurukul. Shaukat Sarpanch, in response, rallied a small group of villagers and rushed to the Gurukul to stand guard, preventing the mob from inflicting harm. The Sarpanch’s resolute actions earned him recognition and accolades for his bravery.
With some concern, the authors observed that despite such positive stories, there is little positive impact of these actions on the intercommunity relations. There is palpable distrust and misgivings on the sides of both communities. The polarization along the lines of religion is discernable in Nuh. The detrimentally opposing positions of the two communities can be discerned along the following issues:
Narrative of who is responsible for the communal riots?
According to Tarun Acharya, the head at the Gurukul at Bhadas, the riots took place because of the provocative statements of Monu Manesar and Bittu Bajrangi. It is were not for the derogatory statements, these riots wouldn’t have taken place as per Acharya. He also went on point out that the majority of the mob which had come to attack the Gurukul comprised of Muslims who were “outsiders”- in this context- from the neighbouring state of Rajasthan. This was corroborated by Sarpanch Shaukat too who stated that the mob had Muslims mostly from Rajasthan. Vijayanti, mother of Tarun Acharya was vehement in apportioning the blame of the riot. She said that Mamman Khan, Congress MLA was responsible for the communal riots by instigating the Muslim youth. She was opposed to Mamman Khan getting bail. She didn’t think that Monu Manesar shared any responsibility for the communal riots.
The prevailing narrative, as purported by the state, alleges that the Muslims initiated the attack on the aforementioned procession. In this context, the police have leveled accusations against Mamman Khan, the Congress MLA representing Ferozepur Jhirka, suggesting that he incited Muslim youth to plan and execute the communal riots. Mamman Khan vehemently asserts his innocence, contending that he was not present in Nuh at the time when the communal riots transpired. His legal team has emphasized that his arrest occurred 48 days after the incident, and the incriminating statements were obtained three days post-arrest. Consequently, his legal representatives maintain that he has been unjustly implicated in this episode of communal violence. It is imperative to note that Khan’s arrest holds significance for the state, as it serves to reinforce their narrative, insinuating the involvement of Muslim leadership in fomenting these riots.
The Muslim residents and Muslim political representatives on the other hand held the Hindu right-wing organizations and its activists responsible for the communal riots in Nuh. The relentless targeting of the Muslims in Nuh by the extortion networks working under the pretext of cow vigilantism was cited as one of the major reasons for communal tensions in the region by Mohammad Ilyas, Congress MLA from Punhana. He resolutely pointed out that the blood bloodied murders of Nasir and Junaid have demoralized the Muslim community in Nuh which has contributed richly to the freedom movement of India. The state giving impunity to the perpetrators and the hate speeches of Monu Manesar and Bittu Bajrangi fanned the tempers of the Muslim youth who considered opposing the entry of Monu Manesar a matter of their pride during the yatra. He claimed that the attack during the Yatra was planned and orchestrated by the Hindu right-wing organizations and the state is wrongly implicating the Muslim leaders like Mamman Khan for the same.
Fear and nature of Insecurity?
Profound apprehension prevails within both the Muslim and Hindu communities in the region. Muslims find themselves living in constant fear, contending with arbitrary and targeted actions by the state on one hand, and the menacing presence of extortion networks on the other. The Muslim community, deeply hurt and disillusioned, feels betrayed by the fact that although these extortion networks have blatantly and ruthlessly targeted Muslim youth, the state has refrained from taking decisive action against them. This lack of intervention and the predominantly Muslim arrests following the communal violence have the potential to embolden these extortion networks to perpetuate their violence against the Muslim community.
Conversely, Hindus who had previously lived in harmony with their Muslim counterparts in the region now exhibit signs of distrust and, in some cases, harbor sentiments of antipathy. This sentiment was conveyed to the authors by Shaukat Sarpanch of Bhadas, who reported that a mob, comprising both local villagers and individuals from outside Bhadas, with a substantial majority from Rajasthan, initiated an attack on the Gurukul (Hindu religious and cultural institution) on July 31, 2023. Despite expressing gratitude for the Sarpanch’s role in preventing the attack on the Gurukul, Acharya harbored reservations toward the Muslim community. He described how the attack had left the residents of the Gurukul feeling deeply vulnerable and apprehensive about their safety. Moreover, Acharya conveyed his skepticism regarding the efficacy of law enforcement, asserting that he had little faith in their ability to bring the perpetrators to justice. Elaborating on the activities of the Gurukul, Acharya explained its mission to promote Hindu culture through the study of ancient scriptures and the promotion of naturopathy.
Acharya pointed out that, the Hindu community constituting only 5 percent of Bhadas’ population, it is often referred to as “Mini-Pakistan.” To bolster the morale of the Hindu residents in the village, the Gurukul regularly invites Hindus from other regions to Mewat. Additionally, the Gurukul serves as a venue for meetings and programs conducted by members of Hindu right-wing organizations, including the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP).
Shaukat Sarpanch contended that, despite Hindus constituting only five percent of the village’s population, Muslims are more vulnerable and live in constant fear. He emphasized that Hindus do not experience the same fear as the state apparatus is perceived to be in their favor, whereas Muslims frequently find themselves targeted by state actions.
Perception of “us” and “other” in the wake of riots on 31st July
The Hindu and Muslim communities in Nuh identified themselves with their religion and in exclusive terms from one other. Ironically, the region famous for its shared culture and syncretic traditions has witnessed sharpening of the communal line drawn firmly by the constant churning of communal discourse. The Hindus who constitute less than 10 percent of the population feel that the region justifiable is referred to as “mini-Pakistan” and thus it is imperative to subdue them with their own processions like the Jal Abhishek Yatra. The processions are viewed as an instrument for show of strength and boosting of the morale of the Hindu community.
The Hindu community also views itself as vulnerable from the Muslims in the region in terms of religious conversions and interfaith marriages derogatorily. Elaborating on the same, Acharya alleged that attempts were made to convert Hindus to Islam. He further asserted that individuals seeking conversion to Islam were isolated from their families and communities, often being brought to the Gurukul or placed with Hindu families. In instances where the individual persisted in their desire to convert, Acharya claimed that they were subjected to physical coercion, including being tied to a pole and beaten up by “lathis” to dissuade them from converting. Moreover, Acharya alluded to the notion that Muslims and the Sarpanch intervened to protect the Gurukul as a means of safeguarding themselves, recalling a prior attack on the Gurukul in 1992 where the military had been deployed and, in his account, Muslims had been subjected to violence. These events from the past continue to resonate within the Muslim community.
On the side of the Muslim community, the political representative and the Muslim residents of Nuh believe that the state and the government is favoring the Hindus in Nuh. Notwithstanding this angst and disappointment, the political representatives still are duty bound to reach out to the Hindu residents who are shaken by the violence in July. However, as apparent from the narrative of Mohammad Ilyas, the political representatives of Muslim community believe that it was natural for the Hindus to feel insecure. He believed that any community who is smaller number feels insecure and it is natural. This implies that the Muslim political representatives don’t feel the need to reach to the Hindus.
It is noteworthy that the Muslim leadership, including elected representatives, has not made significant efforts to engage with the Hindu community in Nuh, which might also be grappling with uncertainties about their safety in the aftermath of the violence. Elected representatives appear to have adopted an attitude that considers insecurity as an inherent feature of smaller social groups, thus obviating the need to proactively reassure them or instill confidence in their safety and security. This perspective has the potential to impede constructive peace-building efforts within the region.
Existing relations of Nuh
The relationship between the Hindu and Muslim communities currently is fraught with tension, strain and distrust. Though there is no social or economic boycott against any community, one can’t mistake this for peace. The communal riots and the role of the police has embittered the relations further. The police action has largely been one sided and there are ample loopholes in its cases against the Muslim resident including that of Mamman Khan which point towards fabricated and arbitrary action of the police. The Muslims have feeling overwhelmingly victimized. The Haryana police has arrested over 350 persons in approximately 61 cases. The state demolished over 1250 properties, almost all belonging to the Muslims. The state cited illegality of these structures to justify the demolitions. However, the statements of the ministers in Haryana from the ruling BJP party and timing of these demolitions- a couple of days after the communal riots, indicates that the state used demolition as a weapon of to inflict “collective punishment” on the Muslim community. The Haryana High Court took cognizance and termed this action as “exercise of ethnic cleansing”. The Hindus on the other hand habour misgivings towards the Muslims.
Achieving a state of peace and normalcy in the region necessitates a more open dialogue and outreach from the Muslim community, which constitutes the majority in the area, towards the Hindu community. This outreach is crucial for instilling a sense of security and confidence among the Hindus, fostering trust, and facilitating a collective effort to restore harmony and stability in the region. Apart from dialogue involving both the communities, there is a need for justice dispensed by the state where it impartially investigates the communal riots in all its nuances and contributes positively towards peace efforts. (To be concluded)
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Centre for Study of Society and Secularism
