Religion and sectarian divisions may influence politics; they are never the determining factors behind the progress, scientific advancement, or development of societies
Najmuddin A Farooqi
IN contemporary political discourse, religion and sectarian identity are often projected as decisive forces shaping the destiny of nations. Electoral campaigns across the world frequently revolve around religious affiliations, ethnic identities, sectarian loyalties and demographic anxieties. Yet history repeatedly demonstrates that while religion and sectarian divisions may influence politics, they are never the determining factors behind the progress, scientific advancement, economic growth, or civilisational development of societies.
Today, Israel stands as one of the world’s leading centres of innovation, science, technology, agriculture, defence research and entrepreneurship despite being among the most internally diverse and ideologically fragmented societies in the modern world. Its society is composed not only of religious and secular Jews, but also of multiple ethnic, cultural and ideological streams that often disagree sharply with one another.
As Israel approaches another crucial electoral phase, political debates are once again dominated by questions surrounding religion, military service, demographic balance and coalition politics. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu faces growing political challenges not merely from opposition parties, but increasingly from within his own support base. One of the most contentious issues remains the proposed legislation concerning exemptions for many ultra-Orthodox Jews, commonly known as Haredim, from compulsory military service in the Israel Defence Forces (IDF).
Reports suggest that Netanyahu recently warned ultra-Orthodox leaders that advancing such legislation before elections could prove politically damaging. Simultaneously, influential Haredi leader Rabbi Dov Lando reportedly declared that “we no longer trust Netanyahu” and that the traditional political “bloc” between Haredi parties and Netanyahu’s coalition “no longer exists.” Opinion polls indicate that even with support from ultra-Orthodox parties, Netanyahu’s bloc may struggle to secure the 61 seats required in the 120-member Knesset to form a government.
These debates reveal an important truth: Israeli politics is shaped not by a monolithic Jewish identity, but by a highly complex mosaic of communities, ideologies and social groups.
Former Israeli President Reuven Rivlin captured this complexity in his widely discussed 2015 “Four Tribes” speech. Rivlin argued that Israeli society was no longer a single melting pot dominated by one majority culture. Instead, it had evolved into four major sectors: secular Jews, national-religious Jews, ultra-Orthodox (Haredi) Jews and Arab citizens of Israel.
The secular sector represents a large, modern and technologically driven segment of Israeli society. National-religious Jews combine religious observance with active participation in state institutions and military service. The rapidly growing Haredi community generally maintains a more isolated communal lifestyle centred around religious scholarship and traditional values. Arab citizens, constituting roughly one-fifth of the population, form the principal non-Jewish minority.
Rivlin warned that unless both the Haredi and Arab sectors were more effectively integrated into the workforce and broader economic structure, Israel could eventually face long-term economic challenges. His speech was significant because it acknowledged diversity not as a weakness, but as a permanent social reality requiring coexistence and cooperation.
Within Israeli Judaism itself, religious identity is remarkably diverse. Demographic studies broadly classify Israeli Jews into secularists, traditionalists, Orthodox and ultra-Orthodox categories. The Israeli Jewish population today stands at approximately 7.7 million, constituting more than three-quarters of the country’s population.
Ethnic diversity among Jews is equally substantial. Ashkenazi Jews, historically originating from Central and Eastern Europe and Mizrahi or Sephardic Jews, whose roots lie in the Middle East, North Africa and parts of Central Asia, together form the principal cultural streams within Israeli Jewish society.
For decades, analysts often portrayed Israeli politics through the lens of an Ashkenazi-Mizrahi divide. However, many such assumptions have increasingly proven simplistic or exaggerated. Studies repeatedly show that education, economic opportunity, urbanisation and generational change frequently influence political attitudes more strongly than ethnic background alone. Even among Mizrahi Jews, higher educational attainment is associated with reduced support for hardline right-wing politics.
Similarly, myths continue to dominate Israeli election discussions: the alleged decisive influence of Arab voters, assumptions regarding Russian immigrant voting patterns, or predictions of “game-changing” Haredi demographics. While demographics undoubtedly influence elections, they rarely function in the rigid or deterministic manner often portrayed in public debates.
What makes Israel particularly noteworthy is that despite big internal differences, the country continues to remain highly successful in scientific research, innovation, medicine, cyber technology, water management, defence production and higher education. Around 46 per cent of the world’s Jewish population now resides in Israel, yet this population itself is far from uniform in religious outlook, ethnicity, political ideology, or social practice.
Broader Global Picture
Christianity, the world’s largest religion, is estimated by the Centre for the Study of Global Christianity at Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary to encompass nearly 45,000 denominations and independent churches worldwide. These range from Catholicism and Protestantism to Eastern Orthodoxy, Oriental Orthodoxy, Restorationist traditions and numerous smaller communities spread across 234 countries.
Similarly, Buddhism exists through numerous schools and traditions such as Theravada, Mahayana and Vajra Yana, spread across different parts of Asia with substantial theological and cultural distinctions. Hindu society too contains immense philosophical, linguistic, regional and sectarian diversity. Nevertheless, countries shaped by these civilisations have made remarkable contributions to education, economics, science and culture.
Islam, too, contains theological and jurisprudential diversity, principally between Sunni and Shia traditions, along with schools of interpretation. Yet despite differences in belief, jurisprudence and historical interpretation, Muslims across the world remain connected by shared foundational beliefs centred upon the Qur’an and the finality of Prophethood.
The existence of religious diversity, sects, denominations, or theological disagreements has never prevented communities or civilisations from advancing. Had sectarian divisions been the determining factor in progress, then societies containing multiple denominations and internal diversities would have remained permanently weak or underdeveloped. History shows the opposite.
Scientific progress, economic growth, political stability and civilisational advancement emerge not from sectarian uniformity but from education, institutional strength, scientific learning, technological development, social discipline, economic productivity and collective effort.
The rise of modern nations has consistently depended upon investment in human capital, knowledge, research, innovation and governance rather than upon religious homogeneity.
Israel’s experience, therefore, offers an important contemporary lesson. Despite profound internal religious, ethnical ideological diversity, the country continues to function as a highly developed state with strong democratic institutions, technological leadership and global scientific influence.
Ultimately, the path to progress is not determined by how many sects exist within a religion, nor by ethnic or theological divisions among communities. Nations advance when societies prioritise education, modern science, hard work, innovation, social participation and institutional development over internal fragmentation and sectarian anxieties.
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Najmuddin A Farooqi is a Lucknow-based journalist and writer. His areas of interest are social, economic, education and health. The views expressed here are the author’s own and Clarion India does not necessarily subscribe to them.
