Why do we see a push in both Pakistan and Turkey to take the military out of the equation?
The second phase was concerned with cleansing Turkey’s judicial system of factors that legitimized or were used as pretext for plotting a coup. Article 35 of the army’s internal service code, which stated that the military has a duty to preserve and protect the Republic of Turkey, was believed to provide legal justification for a coup d’état; this was amended by a parliamentary vote on July 13, 2013.
Former Chief Justice Iftikhar’s constitutional verdicts went in the same direction in Pakistan and the 18th Amendment took care of clauses in the constitution, especially Article 58(2)(b), which were strategically used to dissolve parliament.
In February, 2013 Turkey’s four retired generals and a serving military officer testified in an Ankara court as part of a probe into the forced resignation of an Islamic-leaning government in 1997 that led Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan to step down. The current Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan is a student of Erbakan and was a member of Erbakan’s party RP and was elected as the mayor of Istanbul in 1994 on an RP ticket.
Abdullah Gul, Turkey’s president, was also a RP member and minister under Erbakan’s leadership. Both leaders later became co-founders of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), which won three general elections and has been in power since 2002.
On the electoral map nearly all of the country – apart from the Aegean coast – is the AKP, Erdogan’s power base. In Pakistan, Nawaz Sharif’s PML-N rules the largest province of Punjab.
But tensions have been building for years between Erdogan’s government and the Turkish military, which has authored four coups and considers itself the self-appointed guardian of secularism.
In Pakistan, Sharif and his party have valid reasons to be bitter. They were ousted in 1999 by the military government led by Gen Pervez Musharraf and even before that, COAS Waheed Kakar ‘mediated’ between then PM Nawaz Sharif and President Ghulam Ishaq Khan.
Hundreds of suspects, including army officers, have been tried in separate cases in Turkey over their alleged roles in plots to topple Erbakan’s RP in 1997, and Erdogan’s AKP in 2003 and 2004. AKP has, therefore, sought to weaken the army’s influence in politics. It has also sought to draft a new constitution in which the Turkish army’s role is limited.
The Turkish court has labelled the country’s former army chief Ilker Basbug, who plotted to oust Erdogan’s government in 2003 and 2004, a terrorist and sentenced him to life in prison alongside dozens of generals. The verdict came at the end of a six-year probe and less than a year after 330 officers were jailed on charges related to a separate coup plot dating back to 1997.
So why do we see a push in both Pakistan and Turkey to take the military out of the equation or limit its role to defending the borders?
While Turkey is taking a U-turn from secularism, Pakistan appears to be grid-locked. Erdogan, with his right-wing politics is being criticized by the US and EU. In contrast, Nawaz, who is mostly right of center, is being supported.
Interestingly, the armies of both these countries hold access to or control the exit point of resources that will be needed in the coming years by those who control two-thirds of the world’s resources.