The prime minister’s insinuations and the BJP’s divisionary tactics spark debate on the rights of minorities
Team Clarion
NEW DELHI — During the current election season, tensions have heightened as Prime Minister Narendra Modi started levying accusations against the main opposition party, Congress, alleging Muslim appeasement and resource reallocation favouring Muslims. The prime minister’s election speeches berating Congress and an overt targeting of the Muslim community have understandably sparked a heated debate across the nook and corner of the country. The gloves are now off and the venomous fangs of Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) have become far too evident: It relies on fostering communal divisions and stoking anti-Muslim sentiments to secure electoral success.
In his election speeches, Modi has gone as far as making unfounded claims, such as accusing the main opposition of pilfering mangalsutras and gold jewellery from Hindu women, purportedly to redistribute them among Muslims. Furthermore, he has disparaged the sanctity of the prime minister’s office by accusing Congress of encroaching upon reservations designated for Dalits and OBCs in education and employment, insinuating a plan to alter the Constitution to favour Muslims should the Congress-led INDIA bloc come into power.
Amidst the current political discourse, it’s imperative to scrutinise the socio-economic, educational, and employment realities facing Muslims in the country. Instead of tackling pressing issues like unemployment, educational disparities, healthcare access, and widening inequalities, the ruling BJP seems intent on deflecting attention by fostering divisions among the marginalised, exacerbating tensions between Muslim and non-Muslim communities. Simultaneously, it’s deplorable to witness significant portions of community resources — ranging from public sector enterprises to healthcare facilities, natural reserves, and transportation hubs —being disproportionately allocated to a select few capitalists.
Reflecting on past initiatives, it’s worth recalling the noteworthy efforts of the Manmohan Singh-led United Progressive Alliance government in 2005. The UPA government commissioned a comprehensive study by a seven-member committee led by Justice (Retd) Rajinder Sachar. Tasked with assessing the socio-economic and educational landscape for Muslims, this committee was instrumental in shedding light on the existing challenges and proposing viable solutions to address them.
The Sachar Committee’s exhaustive 403-page report, submitted in November 2006 and later tabled in the Lok Sabha on November 30, 2006, marked a significant milestone in shedding light on the socio-economic realities faced by Muslims in India. Drawing upon data from diverse sources within both central and state governments, the report provided a revealing insight into the challenges confronting the community. Despite being updated until 2020, it’s disheartening to note that the situation has seen little improvement over the years.
With an approximate population of 200 million, Muslims constitute 14.42% of India’s population according to the 2011 census. However, their representation in educational institutions remains disproportionately low. While Muslims comprise over one-sixth of the total populace, merely 12% are enrolled in schools, and a mere 10.7% pursue higher education.
The latest AISHE (All India Survey of Higher Education) district-wise survey for the year 2020-21 paints a bleak picture for the Muslim community. Despite modest improvements in enrolment rates for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, and Other Backward Classes in higher education institutions —rising by 4.2%, 11.9%, and 4% respectively in 2019-20 — the enrolment of Muslim students witnessed a concerning decline of 8%. These figures underscore the persistent challenges hindering the educational advancement and socio-economic mobility of Muslims.
The escalating dropout rates in educational institutions, particularly at the school level, in states like Assam, Jammu and Kashmir, and Bihar, by approximately 8%, raise serious concerns. Kerala stands out as an exception, having reversed this trend, with 43% of its Muslim population enrolled in higher educational institutions.
The AISHE survey findings emerge in the wake of concerning policy decisions, such as the cancellation of the Maulana Azad Fellowship for Muslim students by the Minority Affairs Ministry and the withdrawal of 4% reservation for Muslims by the BJP-led Karnataka government before the state assembly elections.
Moreover, the employment landscape presents disparities, with only 15.6% of urban Muslims holding regular salaried jobs compared to 23.3% of non-Muslims in 2019-20. Although there’s been a slight increase in the proportion of Muslims employed in regular salaried positions in the public sector — from 6.75% to 6.87% between 2009 and 2020 — significant gaps persist.
According to an Oxfam report, rural Muslim unemployment soared to an alarming 31.4% in 2022. While urban non-Muslims in regular salaried employment earn an average of Rs 20,346 per month, their Muslim counterparts earn only Rs 13,672 per month. Additionally, urban Muslims are predominantly engaged in self-employment, earning an average of Rs 11,421 per month, considerably less than their non-Muslim counterparts who earn Rs 15,878 per month on average. These figures underscore the entrenched socio-economic disparities faced by the Muslim community in both rural and urban settings.
The Sachar Committee report, despite unveiling alarming statistics about the challenges faced by Muslims in India, unfortunately, became a topic of contentious debate in political, social, and intellectual spheres. Regrettably, major political parties opted to overlook the dire circumstances of Muslims outlined in the report, conveniently shelving its findings and recommendations, particularly during election campaigns.
The roots of this issue trace back to the early 20th century, with the emergence of the Hindu Mahasabha, advocating Hindu nationalism and fostering hostility between Hindus and Muslims. Unlike secular national parties, the Mahasabha, and later the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), propagated the notion of separate nations for Hindus and Muslims, thereby fracturing the unity of Hindustan. These ideologies aligned with the British colonial strategy of ‘divide and rule,’ hindering India’s independence movement. Notably, the Hindu Mahasabha, positioning itself as a counterforce to the Muslim League, actively supported the country’s partition.
The political arm of the RSS, the BJP, has significantly amplified its Hindu nationalist agenda, particularly under Modi’s leadership since 2014, with a notable surge following its resounding victory in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. The Modi government has implemented controversial policies, often disregarding rights and religious freedoms, and attempting to marginalise millions of Muslims. The Citizenship Amendment Act serves as a stark illustration of these discriminatory measures targeting Muslims.
In contrast, our Constitution champions principles of social equality, secularism, religious freedom, and non-discrimination, aiming to provide equal opportunities for all citizens irrespective of their religious affiliations. It’s imperative now more than ever to confront the hidden agendas of Hindu nationalists, aimed at sowing division between Muslims and Hindus, particularly among the impoverished segments of society, and preventing them from leading dignified lives. Upholding these constitutional values is essential to safeguarding the fabric of our pluralistic society.
