Prof Ram Puniyani
THE recent visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to the RSS headquarters in Nagpur where he paid homage to its founder Dr KB Hedgewar and its second Sarsanghchalak, Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar, has elicited great all-round interest. The much-hyped trip was interpreted by many as a mechanism to strengthen Modi’s stature within the RSS combine. The other anticipation was that in September this year, Modi would be completing 75 years and as per the BJP norms, he should retire from active politics.
There are a couple of other issues due to which it appeared as if the father-son (RSS-BJP) relations had soured. In the wake of the 2024 general elections, BJP President JP Nadda stated that BJP can now be totally on its own and does not need RSS support. When the BJP was less capable it did need RSS support for electoral mobilisation.
The second was the arrogance shown by Modi when he announced that he was nonbiological, directly sent by God for the work on this land. This was perceived by RSS’s Mohan Bhagwat as a sign of an inflated ego. Bhagwat said some people start believing they are superior (Devs) and then declare themselves as gods.
The Lok Sabha elections saw a decline in the strength of the BJP. There is a feeling that RSS did not involve itself with full force in the elections. But the RSS support for the BJP quickly jumped back during Maharashtra and Haryana elections. As far as RSS is concerned barring 1984, when it saw the Khalistani movement as a threat to the country’s unity, it has always stood by BJP and ensured its rise in electoral power.
It is RSS which is the core planner. Its multiple organisations, coordinated by Rashtriya Pratinidhi Sabha (National Representatives Committee), ensure electoral benefits for the BJP. These organisations spread the RSS ideology, glorify the values of the past (Manusmiriti) among different sections of society and spread hatred against Muslims and Christians as they belong to religions of foreign origin. At the same time, during elections, they all put in their might to ensure BJP’s victory. With the formation of Bharatiya Jan Sangh with the help of Shyama Prasad Mukherjee of Hindu Mahasabha and then the gradual takeover of BJS by RSS after the demise of Mukherjee, RSS had a full-fledged political organisation under its belt. The division of labour between RSS, BJP and other progeny of the saffronites is very clear.
The best example of this was seen in the 1980s when VHP began the Ram Temple movement and then BJP took it over to make it a national political agenda reaping a rich harvest. The issues raised by RSS are related to past glories, falsified history to promote it and create misconceptions about religious minorities and weaker sections of society, particularly Dalits, Adivasis and women. Its strength lies in its strong reach to the community through its shakhas (branches) and other communitarian programmes.
Though Indian society made a political transition from a feudal, colonial system to a democratic political system, RSS cleverly propagated the principles of caste and gender hierarchy of the times of kingdoms and feudal society through its shakhas. This was supplemented by various other measures including Ekal Vidylalyas, Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, Seva Bharati, and Rashtra Sevika Samiti to name a few.
Though RSS infiltration into various portals of civic society and political structure of the society has been an ongoing process, with BJP coming to power in the states and then in the Centre, this has been magnified. Now to add up to shakhas, it is planning community groups for women, children and aged people to keep them under their ideological grip. Recently they organised a picnic in my area. One of the Muslim women wanted to join the same; she was bluntly told that she would become uncomfortable by the type of talks and programmes during the picnic. Women going to Rashtra Sevika Samiti’s morning shakhas become apparent as you see them walking with lathis (batons) early morning.
During the last decade, the BJP rule has implemented the RSS’ Hindu nationalist agenda of the Ram Temple, abolition of Article 370, triple talaq NRC and now the Waqf Bill. At a deeper level, there is no question of discord between RSS and BJP; at the most, there could be some differences in the strategy to achieve their goal of the Hindu rashtra (nation).
Modi paid tribute to Hedgewar and Golwalkar for the path they have shown. What is this path? One is to keep aloof from the values of the Indian nationalist movement striving for inclusive nationalism with values of liberty, equality and fraternity. Two, while they try to disown the Golwalkar’s ‘Threats to Hindu National Muslims, Christians and Communists”, in practice their policies follow this to the last dot. A blatant example of this is the celebration of Eid in the country this year (2025). To begin with, one state shifted Eid from the list of a Gazetted holiday to an optional one and offering namaz on roads was opposed. Now even prayers cannot be offered on the terrace of one’s house! So what Golwalkar said has been actualised during the last decade of Modi’s rule.
As far as Christians are concerned there are reports that members of the community in Odisha cannot bury their dead easily. In Balasore district “Threats of village boycott for Adivasi Christians by a tribal outfit known as Sarna Majhi with misleading claims that Adivasi Christian has no burial right in their village as per Art 13(3) A of Indian Constitution.” (From the fact-finding report in Balasore).
Modi repeatedly said that India is becoming Viksit (Developed) on inspiration from RSS ideology. As such if we see the international indices of happiness, religious freedom, press freedom, democracy and hunger India is witnessing a drastic fall in all of them. It seems vikas (progress) for Modi and his ideology is the plundering of wealth by a few favourites, who flaunt most of the laws to flourish here or leave this country with large booty plundered from banks etc.
So, what is the similarity between words and deeds? This Nagpur trip had clear-cut political goals and Modi’s utterances were more of a show, for consumption for electoral purposes.
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Ram Puniyani is an eminent author, activist and a former professor at IIT Mumbai. The views expressed here are personal and Clarion India does not necessarily share or subscribe to them.
