Maharashtra polls may be why India are held back from confirming touring Pakistan
Jawed Naqvi
WHILE India and Pakistan can and do unfurl their flags in distant territories — say, in a cricket stadium in Sharjah or when they secure a medal at the Olympics, as the javelin throwers of the two countries did recently and expressed spontaneous respect for each other to everyone’s joy — there is no reason why both can’t hoist their flags in the other’s country. Assuming, of course, they remain friends, and it doesn’t take much.
Ask Wasim Akram’s team about the ovation they got in Chennai after defeating India. Or recall the ease with which Sourav Ganguly’s boys conquered the hearts of Pakistani spectators in Lahore’s Gaddafi stadium in a match that ended an avoidable drought in bilateral contests.
Else, taking the flag to rival territory would be limited to diplomatic compounds, if they still manage to exist, in the other’s country. To have one’s national flag flutter in a targeted territory out of pique or hostility doesn’t usually work, more so if the object of the sneer has a robust military.
When one country tried to carry its flag across the Himalayan border in 1962 in a way that wasn’t seen as friendly by the other side, the consequences were unpleasant.
It makes little sense to strain the vocal cords by screaming and hurling invectives at the opponent (always from a safe distance, unsurprisingly) more so if the intention is to unfurl the national flag there.
It makes little sense to strain the vocal cords by screaming and hurling invectives at the opponent.
But that is precisely the route Devendra Fadnavis, the deputy chief minister of Maharashtra, has taken to vent his spleen at Pakistan. Maharashtra goes to polls on Wednesday, and many hopes and fears are riding it, including the BJP’s whose regional satrap Fadnavis is. Baring fangs that could make Bram Stoker’s characters envious, Fadnavis has been whipping up real or make-believe rage, exhorting audiences to help him plant the Indian flag in Pakistan.
The method in the madness is not unfamiliar. The BJP’s indoctrinated cadres respond to the party’s dog whistle with alacrity on election eves often to propose something outlandish like conquering Pakistan. Ahead of the Haryana state polls recently, Indian ministers openly explored the idea of sending troops into Azad Kashmir.
The state elections in Maharashtra are vital for both sides for good reasons. With 48 seats in parliament, it is the largest political constituency after Uttar Pradesh, which sends 80 MPs. The opposition took away a disturbing number of seats from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s kitty in the parliamentary polls earlier this year but fell short of its own estimates of the damage it could inflict.
Maharashtra played a key role nevertheless in reducing Modi’s headcount to a minority, forcing him to seek uncertain alliances to stay in power. In the state polls, more than 90 million are eligible to decide 288 seats between two principal contestants. Both sides are led by factions of the Shiv Sena, split into two by the BJP’s so-called dirty tricks bureau. But recent revelations have laid it bare that a master orchestrator of the drama was allegedly none other than a leading tycoon close to the prime minister.
It was in Gautam Adani’s plane that Modi landed in Delhi to take the oath of office as prime minister in 2014. According to recent claims by a senior leader of Maharashtra’s ruling alliance, Adani was also the host of the meeting at his Delhi home, which set the stage to topple the opposition government in the state. Home Minister Amit Shah and Fadnavis were reportedly present at the meeting as it hatched the alleged plot.
The brief point is that Uddhav Thackeray’s Shiv Sena was split with money power, and with the involvement of Modi’s handpicked governor. The Indian supreme court censured the governor but allowed the usurpers to stay in power. Too many skeletons lurk in the cupboard that could adversely impact Modi’s grip on power should the ruling coalition lose Maharashtra. The stakes are truly high.
A less discussed aspect of Maharashtra’s political scrum is that the faction of the Shiv Sena headed by Bal Thackeray‘s son Uddhav Thackeray has moved away from its bellicose communalism to befriend Muslims and other minorities. They in turn help his coalition gather useful seats. Uddhav Thackeray’s agreeable stance helped his coalition with the Congress and Nationalist Congress Party project a secular alliance that was ruling with a comfortable majority. Then Thackeray was overthrown through the split in the Shiv Sena in which Adani is said to have been involved.
The breakaway faction led by the BJP-backed chief minister Eknath Shinde has continued to need communal baiting to skim votes from the polarised churning. The BJP, with its unsurpassed talent to divide and contrive support, is led in the state by Fadnavis. In the endeavour to split the Hindu vote and to disrupt Uddhav Thackeray’s chances of a likely win, the BJP has roped in support from Raj Thackeray, an alienated cousin of Uddhav Thackeray. Although initially it was Uddhav Thackeray’s cadre that would target Pakistan, Pakistani musicians and actors visiting India, it is now Raj Thackeray who muddies the water for a handshake with Pakistan. It was Raj Thackeray’s group, which wouldn’t allow Pakistani movie Maula Jatt’s release in India.
Communal dog whistling has not deterred hardened optimists, however, from seeing post-poll Maharashtra as a different kettle of fish. It was because of the high-stake elections in the state, the view goes, that the Indian cricket squad was held back from announcing its participation in the Championship Trophy in Pakistan next year.
Helping the optimists along are unverified comments ascribed to India’s foreign minister when he visited Islamabad last month. Apparently, he had said something to his hosts about the likelihood of India playing in Pakistan. If the optimistic surmise proves to be well placed, then it could create just the grounds for Indian flags to flutter in Pakistan, without recourse to communal malice.
C. Dawn
