THIS year, I wrote over 1,500 news reports for Clarion India on issues, events, and developments concerning Indian Muslims. During this period, both minor and major incidents, temporary successes, limited achievements, repeated failures, and deepening challenges were all vividly presented. Drawing on this journalistic experience, this article attempts, as before, to present an overview of the losses and gains experienced by Indian Muslims in 2025.
Overall, 2025 proved to be an immensely challenging and testing year for Indian Muslims. On one hand, increasing pressure on religious freedoms, a rise in violent incidents, and discriminatory laws pushed the community further into marginalisation, while on the other, successes in education, business, and certain political arenas also emerged. Where the wave of Hindu nationalism challenged its identity, the community’s internal strength simultaneously opened new avenues. Muslims had already been disadvantaged in the field of education, and in 2025 this gap became even more pronounced. Participation in higher education, competitive examinations, and employment opportunities continued to pose persistent challenges. Many young people began to view studying or working abroad as the only viable path, bringing the issue of brain-drain sharply into focus.
Throughout the year, Indian Muslims lived in an environment where constitutional rights existed on paper, but their protection on the ground remained constantly under scrutiny. Religious identity once again became the centre of political debate, and the presence of Muslims—whether in places of worship, attire, names, or opinions—often appeared to be on the defensive.
Politically Sidelined
Politically, 2025 marked a significant turning point for the community. At the very start of the year, in January, the inauguration of the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya escalated religious tensions, resulting in an increase in attacks on Muslims and other minorities. The ceremony sparked communal riots across the country, during which mosques were attacked and properties belonging to Muslims were looted and damaged.
In 2025, Muslims did not appear to anticipate any major political change, yet the year further highlighted the reality that in Indian politics, their position was increasingly that of a marginalised group rather than decisive voters. Whether in Parliament or state assemblies, Muslim representation remained limited both numerically and in terms of influence. The choices available to the community often seemed confined to two extremes: either remain silent or protest, with the latter frequently coming at the cost of FIRs, arrests, and public censure. Political parties continued to view Muslims as a vote bank, yet their real issues—education, employment, security, and equal opportunities—remained marginalised in policymaking. Overall, the attitude of political parties proved deeply disappointing. Promises made to Muslims during the election season quickly faded once the campaigns ended, and the community’s core concerns failed to become central to any major national debate. Consequently, Muslims once again found themselves low on the list of political priorities.
In March, the implementation of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) delivered another significant blow. The law, which facilitates citizenship for non-Muslim migrants from neighbouring countries while excluding Muslims, instilled fear within the community. It was widely perceived that in conjunction with the National Register of Citizens (NRC), CAA could potentially render millions of Muslims stateless. The legislation also tightened restrictions on Rohingya Muslim migrants and led to an increase in attacks against them.
Waqf Act
In April, the approval of the Waqf (Amendment) Act dealt another blow to the religious autonomy of Muslims. The law permits the inclusion of non-Muslim members on Waqf boards and allows government intervention, which Muslim organisations denounced as a conspiracy to seize their properties. The passing of this bill sparked widespread protests among Muslim organisations and opposition parties. While the legislation is intended to reform the management of Waqf properties, critics argue that it undermines the independence of Muslim religious institutions. Protests erupted across the country; some remained peaceful, while others escalated into confrontations, leaving Muslims once again aware that decisions regarding their religious institutions were increasingly beyond their control.
Indo-Pak Conflict
Additionally, in May, the India–Pakistan tensions placed further pressure on the Muslim community. The brief conflict began on 7 May when India launched missile strikes on Pakistan, stemming from disputes along the Line of Control. This confrontation heightened suspicions against Muslims within India, with some regions seeing campaigns branding them as “traitors.” Investor risk perception was also affected, impacting economic stability.
From September 2025, several cities in Uttar Pradesh imposed restrictions on celebrating Milad-un-Nabi (Birthday of Prophet Muhammad), and incidents of intimidation by Hindutva elements prompted Muslims to launch protests. Demonstrators raised slogans and displayed posters in defence of the Prophet Muhammad, challenging the police and administrative response. FIRs were filed, and several individuals, including notable social activists such as Bareilly’s Maulana Tauqeer Raza, were detained. Even in smaller towns and localities, communal tensions occasionally flared, placing significant mental and social pressure on the local Muslim community.
In October, following violent incidents in Kashmir, evictions of Muslims began, including ordinary citizens. According to the NPR report, these actions were part of a systematic effort by the state. The Human Rights Watch World Report 2025 accused the BJP government of targeting victims rather than taking action against the perpetrators.
In November, the Bihar Assembly elections saw the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) assert its influence even in Muslim-majority areas, with Nitish Kumar’s JD(U) securing key seats. These results indicated a tilt among Muslim voters towards economic development, while simultaneously reflecting the impact of the BJP’s Hindutva-driven policies.
Delhi Blast
Later in November 2025, a car bomb exploded near the Red Fort in the national capital, killing 10–15 people and injuring over 20. This incident intensified pressure on the Muslim community, particularly Kashmiri Muslims. Several Kashmiri doctors and other individuals were detained during the investigation; although some were released due to insufficient evidence, immediate accusations against Muslims circulated wildly on mainstream media and social media outlets, causing irreparable reputational damage and deepening their sense of insecurity. Muslim organisations called for impartial investigations and warned the government against scapegoating, yet no substantive action was taken.
In December, the revision of the electoral rolls caused further concern among Muslims. In several states, attempts were made to remove them from voter lists by labelling them as “illegal immigrants,” raising serious questions about the health of India’s democracy. These political developments were detrimental to Muslims, as they undermined both their citizenship and their religious rights.
In terms of violence and discrimination, 2025 proved to be a dark year for Muslims. According to multiple reports, during the first quarter of the year, 11 Muslims were killed unlawfully, six of them by police and security forces. By the third quarter, the number had risen to 12, nine of whom were killed in mob violence carried out by Hindutva elements. Thousands of such reports indicate that violence has become a public spectacle with attacks on Muslims increasingly intertwined with media narratives and political agendas.
Several reports, including those by the USCIRF, highlighted hate speeches against Muslims during election campaigns, which further fuelled violence. Amnesty International also documented attacks on Muslims following the inauguration of the Ram Mandir. The Indian American Muslim Council (IAMC) reported the circulation of hateful content on Instagram, targeting Muslim women specifically. According to Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP) report, hate crimes increased during 2024–2025, disproportionately affecting Muslims and Christians. It noted the growing socio-economic marginalisation of Muslims, while Genocide Watch highlighted the abuses faced by Muslim women in India.
Bulldozer Operations
In 2025, bulldozer operations continued in several states. Although judicial scrutiny and criticism increased, the perception among Muslims persisted that these operations often amounted to collective punishment. The sense that an entire neighbourhood or family was being penalised for the alleged crimes of an individual raised serious questions about basic principles of justice. Despite Supreme Court directives, in many states Muslim properties were demolished under the pretext of being “illegal.” This practice of “collective punishment” drew criticism globally, yet the government remained unmoved.
Restrictions on Rohingya refugees intensified, including arbitrary detentions, attacks, and the looming threat of deportation. The United Nations also expressed concern over these measures. Experts have noted that this is a continuation of the CAA and other policies that favour non-Muslim migrants. In West Bengal, these policies were used as a pretext to demolish numerous Muslim homes, while several Muslims were forcibly pushed into Bangladesh.
The campaign of cow protection led by Hindutva groups continued, and reports of Muslims being attacked, harassed, and physically assaulted emerged from multiple locations.
Economic Challenges
On the economic sphere, 2025 was a mixed year for Muslims, with some positive signs emerging, although overall challenges and marginalisation remained dominant. Numerous reports discussed the economic condition of Muslims, but their interpretations varied. The Asset and Liability Management (ALM) report highlighted economic growth and integration, though many critics saw it as praise for government policies. Shankar IAS’s parliamentary report, based on NSSO data, indicated some improvement in economic conditions, but these figures were contested and considered of limited importance—or politically motivated—within Muslim circles. Another report analysed socio-economic status in the context of globalisation, though several Muslim experts and organisations dismissed it as propaganda and government spin. Sab Rang India emphasised the economic marginalisation of Muslims, while noting their limited participation in the booming economy.
The 25-year roadmap of Association 0f Muslim Professionals (AMP) focused extensively on educational and economic deprivation. The Economist highlighted economic disparities in Uttar Pradesh, disproportionately affecting Muslims. The Times of India described the Maha Kumbh 2025 as a catalyst for economic growth, but the claim that its benefits reached all communities equally remained contested as Muslims were discouraged from participating and faced violence if they attended. Overall, any limited progress observed in 2025 was largely the result of the efforts, resilience, and entrepreneurship of Muslims themselves, while government schemes either had minimal impact or failed to reach Muslim-majority areas.
From a demographic perspective, 2025 saw extensive hype by mainstream and pro-government media about the growth of the Muslim population. However, research has shown that this increase is slowing, and many of these claims are part of a deliberate propaganda narrative. According to Pew Research and other credible sources, while the global Muslim population continues to grow rapidly, fertility rates in India are declining sharply. The Total Fertility Rate (TFR) of Muslims in India is now close to 2.36, approaching the national average. Contrary to the sensationalist claims, India did not become the country with the world’s largest Muslim population in 2025—Indonesia and Pakistan remain ahead—keeping India in third place. Reports and predictions on websites like Brown Pandits, suggesting that Muslims would comprise 33% of an ‘undivided India,’ are part of a Hindutva propaganda effort designed to stoke fears of a “Muslim population bomb.” In 2025, this narrative was widely amplified by mainstream media.
Freedom of Speech
The role of mainstream media in 2025 with respect to Muslims drew severe criticism. Serious and balanced discussions on Muslim issues, their suffering, or their socio-economic marginalisation were rare. Conversely, whenever an event was linked to Muslims, it was often sensationalised. This led Muslims to increasingly turn to alternative media platforms, particularly social media. Yet, this avenue was not without risks. Expression on social media frequently became the target of legal action, raising further questions about freedom of speech. In this context, platforms such as Clarion India, Muslim Mirror, Maktoob Media, Hindutva Watch, Two Circles Net, The Quint, Siasat, India Tomorrow, Alt News, and The Wire Urdu provided more accurate representation of Muslims and attempted to present facts responsibly.
At the close of the year, an extremely shameful and humiliating incident challenged the honour and dignity of Muslim women. On 15 December 2025, during a government event in Patna, Bihar, Chief Minister Nitish Kumar publicly pulled the veil of a Muslim doctor, Nusrat Parveen. The video quickly went viral on social media, sparking widespread anger and outrage across the country. Muslim organisations, opposition parties, women’s rights activists, and public opinion alike condemned the act as a direct assault on the personal freedom, religious rights, and dignity of Muslim women.
Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind and other organisations demanded an apology and action, yet no statement of remorse was issued by Nitish Kumar. This incident became yet another stark example of the growing insecurity within the Muslim community and attacks on women’s identity.
Meaningful Debate
At the end of the year, on 20 December 2025, a debate on the topic “Does God Exist?” took place in New Delhi between prominent writer and lyricist Javed Akhtar and a young Islamic scholar Mufti Shamail Ahmad Nadwi. The event was watched by millions on social media. Several people view it as an example of the younger generation of Indian Muslims participating in intellectual discourse, helping many to gain insight about God. However, several scholars criticised such debates as emotional, unnecessary, distracting, and ultimately unproductive for society.
In short, 2025 was a year of significant loss for Indian Muslims. Lives were lost, attacks on religious freedom intensified, social protection weakened, political neglect persisted, and economic marginalisation deepened, leaving the community in an increasingly fragile and precarious position. The year was not only marked by difficulties in daily life but also by emotional and intellectual challenges. Muslims continuously struggled to safeguard themselves, their rights, and their identity, yet the outcomes were often limited and incomplete.
Stark Warning
Taken together, it is clear that in the coming years, the greatest challenge for Indian Muslims will be to make their voice heard effectively and meaningfully at both political and social levels. The year 2025 serves as a stark warning: while constitutional rights exist on paper, their protection requires continuous effort, understanding, and collective organisation. If current trends persist, marginalisation, discrimination, and insecurity could expand further. However, if the community invests seriously in education, legal awareness, economic self-reliance, and organised political participation, it can transform its numerical strength into genuine influence and impact.
