Political leaders flock to Khan’s family in a strategic show of support as key Muslim-majority seats are up for grabs
Mohammad Alamullah | Clarion India
NEW DELHI – As by-elections loom over nine crucial assembly seats in Uttar Pradesh, the jailed political figure Azam Khan has once again captured the attention of the state’s political landscape. With Muslim-majority constituencies at stake, Samajwadi Party (SP) leader Akhilesh Yadav and Azad Samaj Party chief Advocate Chandrashekhar have each made notable visits to Khan’s family, signalling an apparent bid to galvanise Muslim support.
In an unexpected move, Akhilesh visited Khan’s house to meet with his wife, Tanzeem Fatima. Around the same time, Chandrashekhar, a prominent Dalit leader, went directly to the jail to meet with Khan, sparking discussions about the motives behind these displays of solidarity. Political analysts suggest that the outreach to Khan’s family may be part of a calculated strategy to rally Muslim voters across Meerapur, Sisamau, and Kundarki — areas with significant Muslim populations.
“These meetings are more than just displays of empathy,” remarked political analyst Nadeem Akhtar. “In a state where voter loyalties often shift, standing with Khan’s family could be a strategic attempt to send a message to Muslim voters that SP and Azad Samaj Party leaders stand united with their concerns.”
The numbers underscore the electoral significance: Muslim voters make up around 65% of Kundarki’s electorate, 45% in Sisamau, and 40% in Meerapur. This concentration could be a deciding factor in a high-stakes election. Akhilesh Yadav’s appearance at Khan’s residence and Chandrashekhar’s prison visit are widely seen as efforts to project unity with Khan’s family and reassure Muslim constituents.
Political observers note the broader implications. With BJP now fielding candidates on these seats, including in Muslim-majority Kundarki, the SP is keenly aware of the risks posed by any fragmentation of Muslim support. As one SP insider put it, “The SP is committed to keeping the Muslim vote intact. Kundarki, with its 65% Muslim voters, is critical — any division here could impact SP’s stronghold.”
The political calculations extend beyond these visits. In Kundarki, the ASP-AIMIM alliance is posing a serious challenge to both SP and BSP, and the SP is determined to avoid a split in the Muslim vote. In a similar bid to consolidate support, SP fielded Haji Mohammad Rizwan, while BSP nominated Rafatullah.
Akhilesh Yadav’s strategic choice not to yield the Phulpur seat to the Congress has further raised eyebrows. As he remarked, “Our aim is to stay true to our base and remain a strong force where it matters most.”
This intensified activity underscores how parties are banking on the symbolic value of Azam Khan’s political influence. “Whether it’s a show of solidarity or a calculated bid, there’s no denying that these leaders’ interactions with Khan’s family are aimed at swaying public perception and votes,” said Prof Arif Qureshi, a political scientist at Allahabad University.
As the by-elections unfold, these meetings highlight the enduring relevance of Azam Khan in Uttar Pradesh’s political dynamics, showing how his name still resonates across the state’s political divide. The coming weeks will reveal whether this show of unity can translate into electoral success.
