Muslim communities face severe exclusion as boycotts intensify, raising concerns over societal unity, equality, and protection of constitutional rights
NEW DELHI – Rightwing Hindu organisations have launched a coordinated campaign to economically boycott Muslim businessmen, artisans, and service providers across the country. The campaign, often taking forms such as “fruit jihad,” “spit jihad,” “urine jihad,” and “jeans jihad,” has increasingly spread to major cities and towns, affecting livelihoods of thousands of Muslims. The latest case, emerging from Mathura in Uttar Pradesh, has raised alarm among communities dependent on festival-related commerce.
Falahari Baba, a local religious figure in Mathura, has publicly appealed to Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, urging him to ensure that on Krishna Janmashtami, only clothes made by Sanatani Hindu artisans are purchased. In his statement, Baba asked, “How can a Hindu god wear a dress stitched by a Muslim?”
This appeal threatens the livelihood of hundreds of Muslim artisans who stitch Shringar Poshak — the traditional attire for Radha Rani and Bal Gopal — in Mathura. These artisans, who contribute significantly to the local economy, have already been adversely affected by similar campaigns, such as the “jeans jihad” controversies in Sambhal in Uttar Pradesh and Khayala area in West Delhi.
Muslim artisans fear that these appeals could result in a double blow to their employment, especially during festive seasons, which are a primary source of income. A large-scale industry exists around Krishna Janmashtami, with devotees from across India and abroad visiting Mathura to purchase specially crafted costumes for Radha, Krishna and tableaux displays. The economic impact of a religiously motivated boycott in this context could run into crores of rupees.
Observers note that the boycott of Muslims has become a structured and recurring pattern. It often starts with publicising the alleged mistake of one individual from the Muslim community and escalating it to target the entire group. This strategy first gained momentum in Delhi, where Kapil Mishra, the Tourism Minister of the Delhi government, established a group under the so-called Hindu Ecosystem initiative in 2020.
The campaign deliberately seeded distrust against Muslim communities and spread across villages nationwide. Social and economic boycotts became increasingly common, with public appeals urging Hindus not to purchase goods or services from Muslims and to exclude them from festivals, weddings, and other occasions.
During Krishna Janmashtami in Mathura, this approach has particularly severe consequences. Muslim artisans invest months in preparing costumes, intricately working with zari, pearls, gota, and coloured threads. Riyaz, a veteran artisan, expressed his concerns, saying, “We have been a part of Mathura’s culture for decades, and this statement is an attack on our livelihood. Such statements are an attempt to spread hatred in society. The administration should take action against such elements. Mathura has always been a symbol of peace and unity, and it is everyone’s responsibility to keep it the same.”
Earlier, Falahari Baba had stirred controversy during Holi celebrations in Braj, demanding that Muslims not be allowed to participate in Holi programmes. His letter to the chief minister heightened communal tensions locally, prompting criticism from social and political leaders, who called the step discriminatory.
Similarly, during Maha Kumbh, campaigns were launched to prevent Muslims from entering the festival grounds and from setting up stalls. These campaigns were organised by Hindu groups and amplified by influential religious leaders. Social media served as a primary tool, with videos and posts documenting “checks” to ensure Muslims were not present at the festival.
For two consecutive years, economic boycotts have also targeted Muslim traders during Kanwar Yatra. Shops owned by Muslims were marked with nameplates identifying the owners’ religion, guiding customers away from purchasing their goods. Despite a Supreme Court order banning such discriminatory practices, these campaigns persist, spreading via WhatsApp, Telegram, and other social media platforms.
The campaign has extended beyond festivals and religious celebrations. Reports indicate that Muslims face restrictions in Chhath Puja, Diwali, and other community events, with some individuals even subjected to physical assault when attending public festivities. Last year, a Muslim man was reportedly caught by members of a Hindu organisation while attending a Dandiya Night celebration and was handed over to police authorities.
In addition to artisans, a wide array of Muslim professionals — auto-rickshaw drivers, cab drivers, electricians, AC technicians, domestic helpers, and shopkeepers — report declining business and social exclusion.
Ansa Haq, who recently opened a ration shop in Delhi’s Jaitpur area, described the situation: “Earlier my shop was in Aya Nagar, Delhi. The average daily sale was 1.5 lakhs, which has come down to 20 to 30 thousand daily in the last few months. Due to this, it was becoming difficult to pay the shop rent, staff expenses, and my own expenses. Due to this, I had to come to this area and open a shop.”
When asked whether similar problems might occur in Jaitpur, Haq replied with a laugh, “God knows better.” He pointed out that Jaitpur, having a mixed Hindu-Muslim population, may offer some protection, but thousands of Muslim traders across North India continue to face the brunt of economic boycotts.
Rashid Ahmed, a cab driver, shared his daily struggles: “Many times people do not book a cab after seeing my name and make some other excuse. But the real reason behind this is known.” Similarly, Mohammad Muzammil, an electrician in Laxmi Nagar, remarked, “Now I get fewer invitations from Hindu homes than before. People no longer trust me as much as before.”
The so-called Hindu Ecosystem, founded by Kapil Mishra in 2020, played a significant role in mobilising and organising these campaigns. On 16 November 2020, Mishra initiated a campaign on Twitter, inviting people to fill a Google form. The objective was to create a nationwide network promoting economic boycotts against Muslims.
Lakhs of WhatsApp groups were formed to spread these messages, with participants ranging from doctors, engineers, lawyers, and journalists to teachers, professors, students, and business owners. These campaigns encouraged Hindus to buy goods only from Hindu shops, exclude Muslims from social occasions, and perpetuated fear through fake news.
During the COVID-19 pandemic, these campaigns intensified, portraying Muslims as responsible for spreading the virus. This reinforced social and economic isolation and contributed to ongoing prejudice and hostility.
The impact of these campaigns is evident. Muslim hawkers report being barred from Hindu neighbourhoods, sometimes facing physical assaults. Traders in mixed-population or Hindu-dominated areas report declines of 30,70 percent in business.
Riyaz, the Mathura artisan, summarised the broader consequences: “This is not only about our livelihoods. Such statements and campaigns create division, spread hatred, and threaten the peace and unity of the society. We need the administration to take steps to protect our rights and livelihoods.”
Muslims working in service sectors also face day-to-day discrimination. Auto drivers and cab drivers find bookings cancelled due to their names, electricians receive fewer work requests, and domestic helpers are increasingly refused work.
The economic boycott is not only a financial burden but also a psychological and social one. Families dependent on Muslim-owned businesses for survival are now struggling to make ends meet, while artisans and professionals face humiliation and exclusion based solely on their religion.
Although the Supreme Court has intervened in some cases, orders against discrimination are often ignored. The economic boycott of Muslims continues unabated in many states, raising serious questions about the effectiveness of legal safeguards and the protection of minority rights.
The persistence of these campaigns also calls attention to the broader societal challenge: the growing acceptance of discriminatory practices among the majority community. While many Hindu citizens may not directly participate in boycotts, the social tolerance of such campaigns indirectly reinforces them.
Experts argue that unchecked, this trend can undermine the social cohesion and unity of the country. It also raises concerns about constitutional guarantees of equality, freedom of occupation, and religious freedom.
Beyond statistics and campaign strategies, personal stories bring the human cost into focus. Ansa Haq’s experiences reveal the struggles of Muslim shopkeepers adjusting to declining business. Rashid Ahmed’s accounts reflect the daily humiliations faced by Muslim cab drivers. Riyaz’s statement highlights the long-standing cultural contributions of Muslim artisans in Mathura, now under threat.
Mohammad Muzammil’s declining invitations for work illustrate the subtle yet pervasive effects of social exclusion. These narratives collectively underscore the urgent need to address discriminatory practices that threaten both livelihoods and social harmony.
The broader question emerging from these incidents is whether society can tolerate increasing discrimination without jeopardising the country’s unity. Will continued economic and social boycotts fragment communities and undermine social integrity?
Many social commentators argue that the pattern of scapegoating an entire community for the actions of a few has dangerous implications. It not only harms individuals economically but also sows long-term social discord.
The economic and social boycott of Muslims in the country represents a complex challenge, blending religious prejudice, social exclusion, and economic oppression. Across cities and villages, Muslims face declining business, limited opportunities, and growing societal hostility.
It is imperative that state authorities, law enforcement, and social organisations take proactive measures to protect minority communities from discrimination and violence. Advocates emphasise the need for awareness campaigns, legal enforcement, and public condemnation of divisive practices.
Riyaz’s words resonate as both a warning and a plea: “Mathura has always been a symbol of peace and unity. It is everyone’s responsibility to keep it the same. We cannot let hatred and discrimination destroy livelihoods and harmony.”
Ansa Haq adds, “We want to live and work in peace, without fear. All we are asking is a fair chance to earn our living.”
The survival of minority livelihoods, cultural contributions, and social cohesion depends on immediate action and collective societal responsibility. Without decisive intervention, these campaigns of boycott threaten not only economic stability for Muslims but also the very fabric of India’s pluralistic society.
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Photo: AFP file
