Dr Tasleem Ahmed Rehmani
THE two factions of Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind, one led by Maulana Arshad Madani and the other by his nephew Maulana Mahmood Madani, have not only sparked unnecessary national debate, but have provoked contentious discussions within the Muslim community.
The schism in the historically significant religious organisation highlights the complexities within its different factions and the broader implications for Muslim discourse in India.
Since the split in the main organisation in 2008, till date no compelling explanation has emerged regarding the principled, intellectual, or ideological disagreements that led to the division. However, it is evident that whenever one faction issues a controversial statement, the opposing faction promptly counters with an even more provocative remark, exacerbating tensions within the country. This dynamic yields no benefits for the community; instead, it results in substantial detriment.
The latest episode began with Maulana Arshad Madani discussing the arrest of the Chancellor of Al-Falah University. He presented a compelling comparison by illustrating the varied opportunities available to individuals across different nations. In the United States, for instance, he noted that individuals like Zohran Mamdani can rise to prominent and respected positions within society, reflecting a level of inclusivity and diversity. Similarly, in London, he pointed out that a leader such as Sadiq Khan has the privilege of serving as mayor, symbolising progress in representation. In stark contrast, he expressed profound concern regarding the systemic challenges that Muslim individuals face in India, where the path to attaining the prestigious role of chancellor is fraught with significant obstacles, limiting their access to high-ranking positions within the government.
While this observation sheds light on important issues of marginalisation, it is essential to recognise that there are currently several Muslim vice chancellors and chancellors in prominent Indian universities, including Jamia Millia Islamia, Aligarh Muslim University, Hamdard University, and Integral University, among others. Furthermore, the political landscapes of the United States and the United Kingdom, where religion plays an abysmal or no role in politics, differ considerably from India’s unique context, where religious institutions—such as churches, temples, mosques, and madrasas—have a substantial influence on political outcomes.
The argument in defence of Al-Falah University’s leadership encountered challenges, particularly given that the former chancellor had spent nearly two years in prison for alleged misappropriation of community funds. While it is improbable that Arshad Madani intended to lend support for a corruption-ridden person, instead, he may have aimed to convey the community’s feelings of discrimination, but seems he is encountered in articulating this perspective effectively due to a lack of suitable advisers for guidance.
The reactions from the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) spokespersons to Arshad Madani statements were unrefined and lacked decorum, resulting in another internal division. A straightforward clarification from Arshad Madani’s office or a suggestion from AIMIM supremo Asaduddin Owaisi himself could have effectively averted further escalation. In the realm of politics and communal relations, the nuances of timing, tone, and the clarity of communication are critically important. Even well-founded concerns, if articulated ineffectively, can lead to counterproductive outcomes.
Apprehending alienation and feeling sidelined, Maulana Mahmood Madani highlighted the term “jihad” during his address at his party’s convocation in Bhopal, igniting a renewed discussion on its implications. The concept of Jihad, integral to Islamic theology and jurisprudence, has faced extensive distortion, ridicule, and misrepresentation in public discourse over the past two decades. Despite the pervasive nature of these misconceptions, major Muslim organisations have largely refrained from pursuing significant legal measures to challenge them. Current legal frameworks permit judicial intervention to address the misuse of religious terminology, including but not limited to fatwa, shariah, and jihad etc. Nevertheless, there remains a conspicuous absence of substantive petitions aimed at rectifying these misapprehensions, even from those advocates traditionally engaged in promoting Muslim interests.
This observation is particularly significant considering the fervent involvement of both Maulana Madanis in the judicial process, especially concerning the selective legal defence provided to individuals implicated in terrorism-related cases. The apparent disregard for essential religious lexicon is not only ironic but also strategically revealing. Notably, it was Arshad Madani who claimed in 2022, without substantiating evidence, that 42% of Muslim youth were teetering on the edge of apostasy.
Maulana Mahmood Madani has escalated the discourse by accusing Asaduddin Owaisi of neglecting the socioeconomically marginalised (Pasmanda) segments within the Muslim community, opting instead to allocate electoral tickets to individuals deemed part of the so-called elite class of Muslims. However, it is crucial to consider that the entire discourse surrounding “backward Muslims” is predominantly a construct perpetuated by the RSS–BJP framework, an approach that fundamentally contradicts Islamic principles. In the context of Islam, proximity to the Divine is determined solely by Taqwa (piety), not by social or economic status. Even a distinguished Syed, should he engage in sinful, immoral, or unjust behaviour, may achieve worldly advantages, yet he remains ultimately accountable in the Hereafter. As a scholar, Mahmood Madani is acutely aware of these tenets; nonetheless, his assertions inadvertently seem to bolster narratives that serve divisive political objectives.
He added further that Muslim children must be kept under strict parental supervision to avoid being anti socials. In various speeches in 2012 and 2015, statements were made that described Muslim youth as drifting or in need of “mainstreaming.” Such assertions may reinforce the narratives of intelligence agencies and media that depict Muslim youth as particularly susceptible to radicalisation, a position that has been challenged by empirical evidence. In 2019, Home Minister Rajnath Singh stated in Parliament that Indian Muslims had not been influenced by global terrorist organisations. Judicial records indicate that 97% of Muslim youth arrested on terrorism charges were ultimately acquitted, with many having spent significant periods in custody. Statements made by figures like Mahmood Madani may contribute to the perpetuation of stereotypes that have historically impacted this demographic.
This situation raises an important question: Are these statements simply the outcome of careless rhetoric, or do they indicate the presence of an underlying force that benefits from societal chaos and internal conflict??
The general populace possesses a keen awareness of the current socio-economic landscape. This heightened consciousness has ignited a profound sense of unrest, catalysing individual and collective initiatives aimed at addressing these challenges. Community members are increasingly cognizant of the surrounding turmoil and are engaging in incremental yet substantive actions to counteract it. Consequently, we are witnessing the emergence of gradual but meaningful transformations within the domains of education and economic development. While these efforts are predominantly individualistic and often nuanced rather than overtly conspicuous, it is crucial to recognise that the initial phase of revitalisation in a waning community typically manifests through individual actions.
The process of transformation will require time before it becomes perceptible and systematically organised at the collective level. Nonetheless, this change has already commenced. Those who previously desired to see the community in a state of helplessness, fragmentation, marginalisation, and social disengagement are now beginning to perceive this shift. Their aspiration to confine Muslims to a position of vulnerability, subjected to recurrent violence, and relegated to a mere role as a voting bloc within the nation’s governance appears to be diminishing.
Efforts are being undertaken to impede the ongoing upward movement in educational advancement. Measures such as deploying “bulldozers” are being utilised to hinder economic progress. The intensification of animosity is being fostered to maintain social isolation. Moreover, the promotion of irresponsible and divisive rhetoric is aimed at keeping the community fragmented and disoriented.
We have always asserted clearly that our community stands united and continues to do so. The real division lies within the leadership, a situation that still exists today. The statements from some leaders not only offer personal or factional benefits to these “dynastic” organisations, something that is unequivocally unacceptable in Islam, but they also divert the focus of their “well-wishers (Donors).” More critically, this rhetoric undermines the collective unity of our community. For those who are dedicated to advancing educational, economic, and social welfare, such divisive language serves as a detrimental poison.
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Dr Tasleem Ahmad Rehmani is president of Muslim Political Council of India and a prominent political analyst. The views expressed here are the author’s own and Clarion India does not necessarily subscribe to them.
