The new committee’s composition raises concerns over Ansari and Pathan dominance, potentially undermining the BJP’s outreach to Pasmanda Muslims ahead of the 2027 state elections
NEW DELHI /LUCKNOW – The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has been attempting to reshape Muslim vote dynamics in Uttar Pradesh and elsewhere by focusing on Pasmanda Muslims, a group considered marginalised within the community. However, the recent formation of the Uttar Pradesh Haj Committee has stirred unease, with critics arguing it may jeopardise the party’s carefully crafted outreach strategy.
The committee’s composition, heavily tilted towards Ansari and Pathan Muslims, has sparked concerns about representation and could alienate other Pasmanda castes, potentially threatening the BJP’s electoral ambitions for the 2027 state elections.
The BJP’s shift towards Pasmanda Muslims, who constitute an estimated 85% of Uttar Pradesh’s Muslim population, began gaining traction in 2022. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, during a national executive meeting in Hyderabad, urged party workers to engage with this group, marking a departure from the party’s earlier focus on upper-caste Ashraf Muslims. This strategy was evident in the appointment of Danish Azad Ansari as a minister in the Yogi Adityanath government in 2022. Danish Ansari replaced Mohsin Raza, a Shia from the upper-caste Ashraf group.
The newly constituted Uttar Pradesh Haj Committee, announced on Wednesday, includes 11 members. Other members include Wali Mohammad, Nadeemul Hasan, Syed Ali Warsi, Hafiz Ejaz Ahmed, Syed Kalbe Hussain, Muhammad Iftekhar Hussain, Kamran Khan, Junaid Ahmed Ansari, Javed Qamar Khan, and Qamaruddin (Jugnu), alongside representatives from the Uttar Pradesh Shia Central Waqf Board and the State Haj Committee Executive Officer.
Of the 11 members, five are Pasmanda Muslims, while six belong to the upper-caste Ashraf group. Notably, four members — Danish Azad Ansari, Wali Mohammad, Hafiz Ejaz Ahmed, and Junaid Ahmed Ansari — are from the Ansari community, with Nadeemul Hasan representing the Banjara Muslim community. The Ashraf members include Syed Ali Warsi (Syed), Muhammad Iftekhar Hussain (Sheikh), Kamran Khan, Javed Qamar Khan, Qamaruddin (Pathans), and Syed Kalbe Hussain (Shia).
This composition has raised eyebrows, particularly due to the absence of representation from other Pasmanda castes such as Malik (Teli), Badhai (Saifi), Qureshi, Mansoori, Darji, Abbasi, and Alvi. “The BJP claims to champion Pasmanda Muslims, but the Haj Committee shows a clear bias towards Ansaris,” said Sahib-e-Alam, a vegetable vendor from Moradabad belonging to the Malik caste. “If they want our votes, they need to include us in decision-making bodies.”
The Ansari community, the largest Muslim group in Uttar Pradesh, has long been underrepresented in political power relative to its population. The BJP’s elevation of Ansari leaders, including Danish Azad and Iftikhar Javed, president of the UP Madrasa Board, reflects an attempt to tap into this demographic. However, the party’s heavy reliance on Ansaris has sparked discontent among other groups. “We’ve supported the BJP for years, but castes like Saifi and Malik have been sidelined,” said a Muslim BJP leader from western Uttar Pradesh, speaking on condition of anonymity. “This could weaken our outreach efforts.”
The inclusion of Kamran Khan, a former Samajwadi Party (SP) member, has further fuelled controversy. Social media posts showing Khan with SP leaders Akhilesh Yadav and Shivpal Yadav have led to accusations of opportunism. “Appointing someone with SP ties sends a mixed message,” said Arsh Iqbal, state general secretary of the Ansari Sangathan. “It undermines the trust we’re trying to build among Pasmanda voters.”
The BJP’s focus on Pasmanda Muslims is part of a broader strategy to expand its electoral base in Uttar Pradesh, a state with 80 Lok Sabha seats and a significant Muslim population of around 19-20%. Initiatives such as the “Modi Mitr” campaign, which enlisted over 25,000 Muslim volunteers, including Pasmanda community leaders, aimed to highlight welfare schemes benefiting Muslims. Nafis Ansari, a school principal and Modi Mitr from Madhya Pradesh, said, “BJP’s welfare schemes are helping everyone, including Muslims. I tell my community about the housing subsidies and monthly handouts we’ve received.”
The party has also fielded Pasmanda candidates in local elections. In the 2023 Uttar Pradesh municipal polls, the BJP fielded 395 Muslim candidates, with 40-45 emerging victorious, including five nagar panchayat chairpersons. Kunwar Basit Ali, head of the BJP’s minority cell in Uttar Pradesh, claimed, “Muslims have expressed their faith in the Centre and the state government.”
However, electoral gains have been limited. In the 2022 state elections, only 9.1% of Pasmanda Muslims voted for the BJP, compared to 9.8% of general Muslims, and in 2024, the party faced defeats in Muslim-dominated constituencies. “The BJP’s Pasmanda strategy hasn’t translated into votes,” said Prof Manuka Khanna of Lucknow University’s Political Science department. “The party’s Hindu nationalist image remains a significant barrier.”
Mohsin Raza’s removal from both the Yogi cabinet and the Haj Committee underscores the BJP’s pivot away from upper-caste Muslims. As a Shia Muslim, Raza was seen as a prominent face in the first Yogi government but failed to mobilise significant Muslim support. “Mohsin Raza’s statements often alienated rather than attracted Muslims,” said a senior BJP functionary. “Danish Azad Ansari represents a fresh approach, rooted in the Pasmanda identity.”
Raza’s tenure as Haj Committee chairman was marked by limited engagement with Pasmanda communities, and his exit has been framed as a strategic move to align with the party’s new focus. However, some within the party argue that sidelining upper-caste Muslims entirely could limit the BJP’s appeal. “We need a balanced approach,” said the anonymous BJP leader. “Ignoring Ashraf Muslims risks reinforcing the narrative that we’re only interested in vote banks.”
The Samajwadi Party, which secured an estimated 85% of Muslim votes in the 2022 elections, has been quick to criticise the BJP’s strategy. SP spokesperson Ghanshyam Tiwari said, “No matter what the BJP does, its core anti-Muslim stance remains unchanged. The Haj Committee’s composition is just a token gesture.”
Asaduddin Owaisi, leader of the All India Majlis Ittehadul Muslimeen, accused the BJP of exploiting Pasmanda Muslims while ignoring their concerns about vigilante violence.
Ali Anwar Ansari, founder of the All India Pasmanda Muslim Mahaz, echoed these sentiments in an open letter to Prime Minister Modi in 2022: “Pasmanda Muslims want equality and dignity, not patronage. The BJP’s outreach feels like a political ploy rather than genuine concern.”
The BJP has highlighted its welfare schemes as evidence of its commitment to Pasmanda Muslims. According to Basit Ali, around 4.5 crore Muslims in Uttar Pradesh have benefited from schemes providing housing, cooking gas, electricity, and rations. Danish Azad Ansari, in an interview with The Statesman, claimed, “Muslims are not only safe but also happy under our government. We’ve built schools and colleges in Muslim-dominated areas.”
Yet, community members like Usman Ghani, a brass artisan from Moradabad, remain sceptical. “We hear about schemes, but on the ground, little has changed for us,” he said. “The BJP talks about Pasmanda Muslims during elections, but after the polls, we’re forgotten.”
The BJP’s Pasmanda outreach has shown some success, such as the 2023 Suar by-election, where Apna Dal (Sonelal), a BJP ally, fielded Pasmanda candidate Shafeek Ahmed Ansari to victory in a Muslim-majority constituency. However, the Haj Committee’s skewed representation risks alienating non-Ansari Pasmanda groups, potentially undermining these gains.
Political analysts suggest the BJP must broaden its approach to include diverse Pasmanda castes and address community concerns about communal tensions. “The Haj Committee was an opportunity to showcase inclusivity, but it’s fallen short,” said Zishan Haider, a socio-political commentator. “If the BJP wants Pasmanda votes in 2027, it needs to move beyond symbolic gestures.”
As the BJP navigates this complex terrain, the Haj Committee controversy serves as a reminder of the challenges in balancing political strategy with genuine representation. With the 2027 elections looming, the party’s ability to win over Pasmanda Muslims will depend on its willingness to listen to the community’s diverse voices. For now, the lotus remains a tough sell in Uttar Pradesh’s Muslim heartlands.
