It is a story of exclusion wrapped in strategy and of appeasement without empowerment
NEW DELHI – In a state where Muslims constitute nearly 18% of the population and hold decisive sway in over 87 constituencies, their presence in the 2025 Bihar Assembly elections has become alarmingly tokenistic. As major parties unveil their final lists, a stark mismatch has emerged between the community’s demographic weight and its political representation—most glaringly within the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA).
Out of 243 assembly seats, the ruling NDA has fielded just five Muslim candidates. The BJP, contesting 101 seats, has once again opted for zero Muslim representation, continuing its consistent pattern of political and otherwise marginalization of the Muslim community. Its ally JD(U), led by Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, has nominated only four Muslims—Saba Zafar (Amour), Manzar Alam (Jokihat), Shagufta Azim (Araria), and Mohammad Zama Khan (Chainpur). The fifth, Mohammed Kalimuddin, is contesting from Bahadurganj under the LJP (Ram Vilas) banner.
Notably, four of these five candidates are confined to Muslim-majority Seemanchal districts—Jokihat, Araria, Amour, and Bahadurganj—where Muslims form between 40% and 70% of the electorate. Only Zama Khan, a former BSP MLA and current Minority Welfare Minister, is contesting from a mixed seat in Kaimur district. This deliberate geographical restriction appears aimed at minimising Hindu voter polarisation—while effectively capping Muslim representation, irrespective of outcomes.
Shrinking Space
This marks a sharp decline from 2020, when the JD(U) fielded 11 Muslim candidates, though none were successful. The message now seems clear: fewer risks, fewer Muslim faces.
“This isn’t representation—it’s containment,” says political analyst Mahmood Alam. “Muslim candidates are being boxed into ghettoized constituencies, ensuring that even their victories don’t upset the NDA’s carefully balanced caste equation.”
NDA’s ticket distribution overwhelmingly favours caste arithmetic as upper castes got a major chunk i.e. 85 seats out of 243. The so-called upper castes account 10.5 per cent in the state’s population but they got the lion’s share of over 35 per cent in tickets.
The opposition INDIA bloc presents a mixed picture. The RJD, yet to release its full list, has announced only three Muslim nominees so far. The Congress, contesting 48 seats, has named four Muslim candidates. However, discontent is brewing. Senior leader Tarique Anwar publicly criticised the party’s ticket distribution, alleging favouritism and a lack of seriousness toward minority representation.
Meanwhile, Asaduddin Owaisi’s AIMIM—contesting under the Grand Democratic Alliance—has fielded seven Muslim candidates and plans to contest 32 seats. Yet its influence remains confined to pockets of Seemanchal.
In contrast, Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraaj has emerged as the only outfit promising meaningful inclusion. So far, it has fielded 20 Muslim candidates, with Kishor claiming the number could rise to 40—making it the only party offering something close to proportional representation.
Historical Contrast
In 2015, the Grand Alliance (Mahaghatbandhan) led by RJD, JD(U), and Congress sent 24 Muslim MLAs to the assembly—nearly 10% of total seats. Many of them won in mixed constituencies, propelled by the Muslim-Yadav (MY) coalition.
In 1985, under the Congress regime, 34 Muslim legislators were elected to the then 324-member Bihar Assembly—a record yet to be matched.
Four decades later, representation stands on precarious ground. The NDA’s ticket distribution overwhelmingly favours caste arithmetic: upper castes, comprising just 10.5% of the state’s population, have bagged 85 of 243 tickets—over 35% of the total. Muslims, despite being a sizeable electorate, continue to be treated as a vote bank to be courted, not represented.
Politics of Alienation
Adding to the disillusionment are recent controversies—Chief Minister Nitish Kumar’s refusal to don a skullcap during community events, his government’s backing of the contentious Waqf Amendment Bill, and incendiary remarks by JD(U) leader Devesh Thakur, who declared he would not assist Muslims or Yadavs because “they didn’t vote for him.” Though later retracted, such statements have deepened mistrust.
Numbers Don’t Lie
Shanawaz Badr Qasmi, an activist from Sitamarhi, told Clarion India that a glance at the latest candidate lists of both major alliances shows Muslims being treated as nothing more than a vote bank.
“We’re 18% of Bihar, but barely 2% on their lists. What does that tell you?”
It tells a story of exclusion wrapped in strategy, of appeasement without empowerment. And as ballots are cast, the question remains: will Bihar’s Muslims continue to be spoken about, or will they finally be spoken for—inside the corridors of power?
