Regardless of where the pendulum of history will swing, there is no denying that what is happening in Italy at the moment is no less than an actual political uprising, an intifada
WHAT is happening in Italy today regarding Gaza is unprecedented in the history of solidarity between the country and any other international cause anywhere. A popular uprising is underway, the consequences of which are likely to alter not only Rome’s position on the Israeli genocide in the Strip but also the country’s entire political structure.
To understand why such a conclusion is a rational one, we must consider two important factors: the popular mobilisation throughout the country and the historical context of Italy’s political attitude toward Palestine and the Middle East.
When the Israeli genocide in Gaza started, the language and political posturing of the far-right government of Giorgia Meloni were more or less consistent with the political positions adopted by other European leaders. In her visit to Israel on October 21, 2023, Meloni’s language was that of unconditional condemnation of Palestinians for the October 7 attack and equally unconditional support of Israel and its “right to defend itself.”
That position remained consistent until a few months ago, when the Israeli genocide reached a level that was too extreme even for Meloni to ignore. This was expressed by Italian Defence Minister Guido Crosetto, who stated in August that Israel had “lost its sanity and humanity.”
Despite this, Italian weapons continued to flow into Israel. Even when Rome decided not to ship new weapons to Tel Aviv, old military contracts previously signed with the Italian arms giant Leonardo were still being honoured, despite the fact these weapons were used directly in the Israeli genocide in Gaza.
Not only did Meloni “honour” the country’s commitment to Israel at the expense of hundreds of thousands of innocent Palestinians in Gaza, but it also came at the expense of Italy’s progressive constitution, which states that the country “rejects war as an instrument of aggression against the freedom of other peoples.”
On the other side, Italian society remained, at least for a while, confused and apparently docile in the face of the Israeli crimes and the support of its government for the ongoing genocide. This apparent docility did not necessarily reflect the Italian people’s lack of interest in events outside of their borders. Instead, it reflected three major political and historical factors that are worth noting.
One, the Italian media has, as of late, been divided into two main groups: private media, owned largely by the family of late prime minister Silvio Berlusconi — a far-right media mogul and close ally of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu — and public media, beholden to the diktats of the government. Expectedly, both have remained committed to the Israeli hasbara line that criminalises the Palestinians and absolves Israel.
Two, the lack of organisational platforms in Italy, which were previously positioned within the activities of popular-based unions. Historically, Italy’s powerful unions were directly linked to political parties that had substantial representation in the Italian parliament. Together, they managed not only to pull political strings but even to influence policies, nationally and internationally.
Three, all of the above is related to the major repositioning of Italian politics between the post-Second World War First Republic (1948-1992) and the Second Republic (1992 to the present). That major realignment was directly related to the collapse of the Soviet Union, the dismantling of Italy’s communist party — once the West’s most powerful and relevant — and the rise of centre-right politics.
The latter event not only forced a dramatic change in Italy’s domestic politics but also its foreign policy attitude, moving away from the far more balanced position regarding the Israeli occupation of Palestine, for example, to the embrace of Israel’s most far-right politicians.
This embrace became most apparent during the years of Berlusconi but it was also accentuated in Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini’s Lega party, known even among Italians for being the natural inheritor of Italy’s fascist legacy.
But things began changing thanks to the extent of Israel’s criminality in Gaza, the rising global solidarity for Palestine and the elaborate grassroots mobilisation within Italy itself since the start of the genocide.
On September 22, Italian dockworkers led a nationwide strike against the war on Gaza and arms shipments to Israel. The action drew on a long history of worker resistance to militarisation, especially in ports used to transport weapons. Organised by grassroots unions and solidarity networks, the mobilisation underscored a broad refusal among workers to be complicit in government policies that sustain war and genocide.
Suddenly, Italian unions are back on the streets, not simply to negotiate better wages but to reclaim their position as a vanguard of solidarity at home and abroad. The consequences of this event alone could usher in a major change in the political attitude of the Italian people.
As Meloni’s government continues to refuse to recognise the state of Palestine, she positions herself in direct opposition to the aspirations of her own people, from all political and ideological backgrounds. This could cost her dearly in future elections.
Italy is now on the cusp of another historic moment, the outcome of which could either entrench the country further in the far-right camp or take it back to a position that is far more consistent with its radical history of antifascism, social mobilisation and internationalist resistance.
Regardless of where the pendulum of history swings, there is no denying that what is happening in Italy at the moment is no less than a political uprising, an intifada.
————
Dr Ramzy Baroud is a journalist, author and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of six books. He is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Centre for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA). His website is www.ramzybaroud.net
