Muslims constitute over 17 percent of the state’s population yet hold only 19 assembly seats; community seeks to break the 1985 record of 34 MLAs
NEW DELHI – As Bihar Assembly elections approach, discussions over political representation and community empowerment are gaining momentum. The state, often described as a microcosm of India’s complex socio-political landscape, is witnessing renewed demands from the Muslim community for fair and proportionate representation in legislative politics. This push comes in the wake of Bihar’s recent caste census, which highlighted the socio-economic disparities across communities, sparking a debate over political equity and participation.
Currently, Muslims constitute approximately 23 million of Bihar’s 130 million population, accounting for over 17 percent of the state’s total populace. Despite its sizeable presence, the community holds only 19 of Bihar’s 243 assembly seats. This stark imbalance has led community leaders and political commentators to describe the situation as one of long-standing political marginalisation.
“It is high time that our community gets its fair share of representation,” said Maulana Zahid Qureshi, a prominent social activist from Patna. “For decades, we have been sidelined despite our numbers. Political parties must understand that ignoring Muslims will not only be unjust but politically unwise.”
The urgency of this issue is underlined by historical data. Since independence, Bihar has held 15 assembly elections from 1952 to 2015. During this period, a total of 4,593 directly elected MLAs assumed office, of which only 334 were Muslims—representing just 7.27 percent of the total. In proportion to their population, Muslims should have held 633 seats. This shortfall of 299 MLAs, or 47.24 percent of proportional representation, reflects a deep-rooted marginalisation in the political sphere.
The peak of Muslim representation in the Bihar Assembly occurred in 1985 when 34 Muslim MLAs were elected. This remains the highest in the state’s history. Since then, numbers have fluctuated, rarely approaching this level. Analysts point to a combination of historical political realignments and community mobilisation as factors influencing these numbers.
“The 1985 elections were a turning point,” noted Dr Imran Ansari, a political analyst based in Patna. “It was the only time Muslims managed to secure representation that approached parity with their population in certain regions. Since then, systemic neglect and fragmented political strategies have prevented us from achieving similar numbers.”
In the 2020 assembly elections, All India Majlis-e-Ittehad-ul-Muslimeen (AIMIM), led by Asaduddin Owaisi, made a strong entry into Bihar politics, particularly in the northeastern Seemanchal region. The party won five assembly seats in the area, highlighting the dissatisfaction among Muslims with traditional so-called secular parties, which historically promised representation but failed to deliver proportional influence.
Muslim leaders across Bihar have repeatedly demanded that major parties, including RJD, Congress, and JDU, provide a fair share of power to the community. Advocates argue that political participation is critical not only for representation but for improving the community’s socio-economic condition. The Sachar Committee Report (2006) revealed that Muslims in India were lagging behind other communities in terms of education, employment, and social mobility. Shockingly, the report concluded that Muslims were worse off than Dalits and Adivasis in many key indicators, with political underrepresentation being a major contributor.
“Without political power, it is impossible to address our community’s educational and economic backwardness,” explained Shahnawaz Alam, a member of a Patna-based Muslim advocacy group. “Representation is not just a matter of pride—it is a necessity for equitable development.”
The 2025 elections are being watched closely to see whether the historic record of 1985 will be broken. Community leaders are particularly vocal in warning political parties that neglecting Muslim voters could have electoral consequences. “We are watching every promise, every candidate selection, and every seat allocation,” said Haseeb Siddiqui, a social worker from Muzaffarpur. “Muslims have the numbers; now it is time for political parties to act responsibly.”
Historically, Congress maintained a near-monopoly over Muslim voters in Bihar, especially during the 1952 and 1957 assembly elections. However, the 1962 elections marked the beginning of political diversification, with multiple parties vying for Muslim support. In recent decades, RJD and Congress have attempted different strategies to retain Muslim votes, often aligning with regional caste dynamics, particularly the influential Yadav community.
In 2020, Congress fielded 12 Muslim candidates, primarily drawn from the academic and intellectual circles of institutions such as Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) and Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU). Despite high expectations, the party managed to elect only three Muslim MLAs. The RJD, meanwhile, maintained the long-standing Muslim-Yadav alliance, winning eight Muslim seats. AIMIM and smaller parties contributed to the remaining representation, illustrating the increasingly fragmented nature of Muslim political influence in Bihar.
“The fragmentation of the vote among multiple parties is both a challenge and an opportunity,” said Dr Farooq Siddiqui, a political commentator in Patna. “While parties like AIMIM have shown that new voices can emerge, traditional parties must reassess their approach or risk losing Muslim support entirely.”
Compared to other Indian states, Bihar has maintained relatively stable Muslim representation in the assembly. States such as Assam, Uttar Pradesh, and West Bengal have witnessed more erratic numbers and frequent shifts. Political analysts note that stability in Bihar reflects both community organisation and the enduring influence of alliances like the Muslim-Yadav equation.
“The Muslim electorate in Bihar is politically aware and organised,” said Ayesha Mirza, a social researcher in Patna. “Unlike in some other states, the community’s political behaviour is relatively consistent, which makes their representation in the assembly a reliable indicator of broader political trends.”
The underrepresentation of Muslims in Bihar politics is not a recent phenomenon. During the Janata Party wave of 1977, 13 of the 24 Muslim-majority seats were won by the Janata Party, with Congress securing eight seats. This brief period highlighted a potential shift in community loyalties, but Congress regained dominance during the 1980-85 period, culminating in the historic 34 Muslim MLAs in 1985. The formation of Janata Dal in 1990 further diversified political representation for Muslims, cementing the party as a significant force in community politics.
“Political marginalisation has been systemic,” said Maulana Anwar Shah, a veteran political observer. “While temporary alliances and shifts have occasionally improved representation, the community has consistently been denied its proportional share of power.”
As Bihar gears up for 2025, political parties are recalibrating strategies to attract Muslim voters. The recent caste census has intensified calls for proportional representation, and community leaders are using historical data to strengthen their case. The AIMIM’s emergence has further pressured traditional parties to reconsider their approach.
“The upcoming elections are a test of how seriously parties take the aspirations of Muslims,” said Imtiaz Alam, a Patna-based political analyst. “If the 1985 record of 34 MLAs can be surpassed, it would mark a significant moment in Bihar’s political history and offer a roadmap for empowerment in other states.”
Muslim voters, who have traditionally been seen as a cohesive and decisive bloc, are now vocal about their expectations. Political commentators argue that this could be a turning point, signalling the community’s increasing insistence on both representation and accountability.
“It is not enough to merely promise seats or token positions,” said Rizwan Khan, a community leader in Darbhanga. “Our people want real participation in governance, policy-making, and development. This is the 21st century, and we will no longer accept symbolic gestures.”
Beyond electoral politics, underrepresentation has had tangible socio-economic consequences. The Sachar Committee report highlighted deficits in education, employment, and social infrastructure for Muslims. Analysts argue that political participation is directly linked to access to government schemes, public sector employment, and policy influence.
“Without political voices at the table, our needs are overlooked,” said Farhat Abbas, an educationist in Patna. “Representation in the assembly is not just symbolic—it is instrumental in improving our schools, colleges, and employment opportunities.”
Whether the historic 1985 record of 34 Muslim MLAs can be broken this time around remains uncertain. However, one fact is clear: the Muslim community of Bihar is no longer content with mere tokenism. Their demands for proportional representation, meaningful participation, and socio-economic upliftment are louder than ever—and political parties will have to take note.
“This is a moment of truth for all parties,” said Maulana Zahid Qureshi. “We have been patient for decades. Now, we expect real action. Our community deserves nothing less.”
