BOOK REVIEW
Despite being less than two hundred pages, Noorani’s work is a treasure trove of densely packed material, offering more substance than volumes many times its size. The book is profoundly serious, meticulously researched, and brimming with references
Ghulam Arif Khan
AG Noorani, a distinguished scholar and constitutional jurist, was born in Bombay and marked by nearly six decades of prolific writing, encompassing thousands of incisive articles and dozens of insightful books. May he rest in peace. The intellectuals, both in India and abroad, as well as students like this writer, awaited his views on ideological, political, and legal matters eagerly. Even in senectitude, he was active in crafting a meticulous examination of the Supreme Court’s verdict on the Babri Masjid case.
It is a striking coincidence that the next book chosen for discussion in this column was his masterpiece, “Savarkar and Hindutva – The Godse Connection”. On the fateful evening of August 29, as news of Noorani’s quiet demise spread, this very book lay on my desk, proclaiming loudly that though the pen may fall silent, the words in a book endure.
Noorani’s writings stand out for their meticulous accumulation of facts, needing no embellishments to create a compelling narrative. Yet, amidst the rigour of his research, his command of language and style captivates readers and maintains their interest. Like an astute lawyer, Noorani constructs his arguments methodically, piling evidence upon evidence until the reader internally exclaims, “Enough Sir! You have already convinced me.” But Noorani persists, meticulously organising his points to present the complete picture. His books possess a voice of their own; embarking upon their study rests on the reader’s desire, yet to conclude depends on Noorani’s enlightening guidance. It feels as though he illuminates every shadowed corner of complex issues, casting light from all directions — above, below, and from every conceivable angle.
The project of displacing Mahatma Gandhi and elevating Vinayak Savarkar to the status of a national hero has long been a pursuit of the rightwing. In this book, Noorani makes a scathing critique of Savarkar and his ideas. In “The Indian War of Independence 1857”, Savarkar appears somewhat balanced, even acknowledging the contributions of Muslims. However, his later years are characterised by prejudice, which became the focal point of his ideology. Ironically, Savarkar himself was an atheist, untouched by religious practices, yet he formulated the theory of Hindutva — a political ideology distinct from Hinduism.
Hindutva, as Savarkar defined it, bears no resemblance to the profound religious and spiritual traditions of Hinduism. It is purely a political ideology cloaked in cultural attire. When Savarkar posed the question, “Who is a Hindu?” he answered that a Hindu is one who considers Bharatvarsh as his ‘Pitrubhoomi’(Fatherland) and ‘Punyabhoomi’ (Holy Land). This definition was unprecedented among Hindu scholars of the past. Indeed, Savarkar was the first to articulate the two-nation theory and introduced the notion of cultural nationalism, as against the then-prevailing concept of regional nationalism. Hatred, unfortunately, became the cornerstone of his ideological proclamations. Before the RSS took shape, Savarkar’s Hindu Mahasabha spearheaded the Hindutva movement. Later Sangh leaders, such as Hedgewar and Golwalkar, constructed their ideological edifice upon the foundations laid by Savarkar himself.
Noorani paints a vivid and gripping portrayal of Savarkar’s imprisonment in the Andaman Jail, bringing to life scenes so intense they could make one’s hair stand on end. Within those prison walls, freedom fighters organised a hunger strike, and even the elderly inmates joined the protest. Yet, Savarkar, despite inciting his fellow prisoners, refrained from participating himself. Instead, he penned numerous apologies to the British authorities, seeking his release. The content of these letters, filled with assurances of future compliance, hardly befits a revolutionary’s honour. Savarkar pledged not to engage in any anti-government activities upon release and promised to assist in moulding Indians into loyal subjects of the British Crown. Even after India gained independence, he wrote to the Police Commissioner of Bombay, offering to abstain from all communal and political activities for as long as the government desired. These actions starkly highlight the gulf between true and false revolutionaries — the former embracing sacrifice, the latter kowtowing to authority. This, then, was the reality behind the man revered as “Veer”.
Former prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee once drew a parallel between Savarkar and Bhagat Singh, a comparison Noorani masterfully unravels in his book. The difference is as clear as night and day. For his beliefs, Bhagat Singh took up arms himself twice, while Savarkar always chose to remain safely on the sidelines, letting others bear the brunt of action. Where Bhagat Singh was a broad-minded Indian nationalist, Savarkar espoused a narrower version of nationalism. Bhagat Singh’s generosity stood in sharp contrast to Savarkar’s attitude, even towards his closest allies. The crux of their character difference is perhaps best exemplified in how they faced adversity: Bhagat Singh walked resolutely to the gallows without ever begging for mercy, while Savarkar, at every turn of imprisonment, bowed and pleaded with the authorities. Noorani’s critique is scathing, laced with biting words that, for now, we shall leave to the imagination.
Perhaps the most engrossing chapter of Noorani’s book deals with the question of Savarkar’s possible involvement in the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi. On January 30, 1948, Savarkar’s loyal disciple, Nathuram Godse, shot Gandhiji at Birla Bhavan and was apprehended on the spot. The First Information Report (FIR) was filed in Urdu at the Tughlaq Road Police Station. The investigation led to the arrest of ten individuals, including Savarkar — nine of whom were affiliated in some or the other way with the Hindu Mahasabha. Godse assumed full responsibility for the murder and denied any conspiracy. However, a co-accused named Badge became an approver, revealing the extent of the plot. According to Badge, Savarkar, along with Godse and Apte, was complicit in orchestrating this heinous act. The plot was sinister, involving explosives, hand grenades, and pistols. Ten days prior, the conspirators had carried out a smaller explosion behind Birla House as a precursor to the main event. One of their accomplices, Madan Lal, was caught on the scene, while the others managed to escape.
Throughout these events, Savarkar remained ensconced in Mumbai, far from the crime scene. However, shortly before the assassination, Godse and Apte visited Savarkar’s residence, carrying with them the suspicious material. Their meeting took place on the top floor, and as they descended, Savarkar’s words, “Come back with success.,” echoed during the trial proceedings. When the matter came before the court, Savarkar vehemently denied his involvement in the conspiracy, casting accusations upon his disciples as though they were framing him while they tried to shield him. The approver’s testimony provided a glimpse into the grim reality of the plot.
Judge Atma Charan found seven individuals guilty in the case, sentencing Godse and Apte to death, while the remaining five received life imprisonment. However, Savarkar was acquitted. Noorani delves into the intricate legal constraints that led to this outcome. Legal cases hinge on technicalities and direct evidence, and the law requires that the sworn testimony of an approver be corroborated by additional evidence or witnesses. In Savarkar’s trial, the prosecution failed to provide this crucial link, which resulted in his acquittal.
Twenty years later i.e. after Savarkar’s death, the Jeevan Lal Kapoor Commission’s finding revealed the missing link. Based on testimonies and affidavits, the investigating commission’s report uncovered the startling connection. The fact that couldn’t be corroborated in the court was clear. Noorani suggests that if the evidence unearthed by the Kapoor Commission had been available and presented to the trial court, Savarkar’s conviction would have been almost certain.
Further complicating matters is the fact that Morarji Desai, former prime minister and then chief minister of Bombay Province, had received confidential information about the impending threat to Gandhiji’s life. Desai conveyed this intelligence to then home minister Sardar Patel at least a week before the tragic event. Desai even testified in court regarding this advance warning. Yet, despite these forewarnings, the life of the Father of the Nation couldn’t be safeguarded? This burning question lies outside the purview of his book, notes Noorani, in a meaningful manner.
Despite being less than two hundred pages, Noorani’s work is a treasure trove of densely packed material, offering more substance than volumes many times its size. The book is profoundly serious, meticulously researched, and brimming with references. It is an essential read for teachers, students of law, history, and political science, as well as journalists and political activists. Exposing the truth is the antidote to propaganda, and that only an opposing ideology can dismantle another. His book stands as a beacon for those seeking to break through the fog of misinformation and confront uncomfortable historical truths.
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Ghulam Arif Khan is a Mumbai-based public speaker and commentator on socio-economic, political and cultural issues. Views expressed here are author’s personal. He can be contacted at arif055@gmail.com / +91-8422971000.
