THE European Union is the “chief of all cowards,” Amnesty International declared in a searing statement issued last week. This condemnation came the day before the European bloc failed to sever ties with Israel at the April 21 Foreign Affairs Council meeting in Luxembourg. There, despite months of legal warnings, the EU once again prioritised procedural safety over the urgency of human life.
The efforts to press the EU to finally take a moral position were led by a coalition of Spain, Ireland and Slovenia, later joined by Belgium. They argued that the EU-Israel Association Agreement — the legal framework governing their trade relationship — is predicated on “respect for human rights.”
Maintaining this agreement while the extreme violations in the Occupied Territories continue renders the EU’s founding treaties meaningless.
Such a decision, even if belated, would have done immeasurable good. It would have restored a measure of the EU’s shattered credibility and enlivened the discussion on international law. More importantly, it would have initiated a series of concrete measures to hold Israel accountable and provided Palestinians with a tangible sense of hope.
None of that occurred, however, thanks to the lobbying of Germany and Italy. These nations acted as a diplomatic firewall, shielding Israel from consequences.
The German position remains consistent with Berlin’s hard-line defence of Israel — a stance that has persisted even throughout the genocide in Gaza. The country that should be the world’s greatest advocate against mass extermination has repeatedly shielded Israel at the International Court of Justice and other global institutions.
During the Gaza war, Berlin has doubled down, insisting that the accusation that Israel is committing genocide has “no basis whatsoever.” This rigid stance remained unchanged even as Spain joined the South African case at the International Court of Justice, signalling a profound rupture in the European legal and moral consensus.
Therefore, it was no surprise that Germany’s leadership dismissed the proposal to suspend trade with Israel as “inappropriate.” Along with Italy, it insisted that the EU must remain in a “constructive dialogue” with Tel Aviv — a phrase that has become a euphemism for complicity.
Italy presents a more bizarre example. While Giorgia Meloni’s right-wing government remains aligned with the pro-Israel guard, the Italian people’s mobilisation has been among the strongest in Europe.
The streets of Rome and Milan have seen mass protests and general strikes that rival the fervour seen in Spain. Yet Meloni still refuses to heed her people’s call, with her foreign minister stating in Luxembourg that the proposal to suspend the treaty had been “shelved.”
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu likely felt a great deal of relief following the vote. The Israeli economy is currently struggling under the staggering burden of its continued wars, with the budget deficit ballooning as defence spending skyrockets. The EU is Israel’s largest trading partner, with total trade in goods worth more than €42 billion ($49 billion) in 2024.
The association agreement provides a vital economic lifeline through preferential market access and high-tech integration. Its suspension would trigger a devastating financial shock.
But the fact that Germany and Italy managed to sustain the treaty for now does not negate the rupture that is already underway.
This is not being led by governments but by European societies. It would not be an exaggeration to suggest that Europe’s relationship with Israel is destined for pivotal change. The historical divide between Israel’s unconditional supporters, like Germany, and more sympathetic nations, like Ireland, is collapsing as the political pendulum swings toward Palestine.
The hard-liner camp received its most significant blow with the political shift in Hungary. With the rise of Peter Magyar, who vowed following his election this month that Budapest would respect the International Criminal Court warrant for Benjamin Netanyahu’s arrest, Israel has lost its most reliable “veto man” in Brussels — Viktor Orban.
This leaves Germany increasingly isolated as the sole heavyweight protector of the status quo.
We are no longer talking about symbolic gestures. We are witnessing a critical mass of support for Palestine accompanied by direct action: encampments, legal challenges and labour strikes. It was reported this month that more than 1 million Europeans signed a “Justice for Palestine” petition calling on Brussels to impose sanctions.
This reflects the kind of sustained pressure that is capable of shaping political agendas. Polling from last month indicates that only 17 percent of respondents in Germany now view Israel as a reliable partner. This exposes a widening gap between European publics and their governments. While Spain appears to be responding to public sentiment, Germany continues to act in defiance of it.
These same moral positions are reflected in attitudes toward the US-Israeli military action in Iran. Majorities of 68 per cent of Spaniards and 56 per cent of Italians oppose these strikes. Public opinion increasingly sees Israel’s regional wars not as separate crises but as interconnected fronts of a single, failed policy.
The rejection of war is part of a broader rejection of Israeli military policy and the alignment of European governments with it. These shifts have not only isolated Israel — they have begun to isolate its allies. Aside from Donald Trump and his full alignment with Netanyahu’s agenda, the era of a unified Western bloc catering unquestioningly to Israel’s demands is fading.
The traditional explanation for Europe’s backing — historical guilt over the Holocaust — no longer explains the conduct of political elites. A more accurate explanation lies in Europe’s own legacy of colonial violence and racial hierarchy.
However, the real shift belongs to civil society and the resilience of Palestinians who have bypassed traditional media filters to speak directly to the world.
Europe now knows that a genocide has been committed. This paradigm shift is unlikely to be reversed, regardless of whether EU bureaucrats manage to delay the inevitable.
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Dr Ramzy Baroud is a journalist, author and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of eight books. His latest book, ‘Before the Flood,’ was published by Seven Stories Press. He is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Centre for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA). His website is www.ramzybaroud.net
